She noted that the agreement could also generate positive opportunities for Pakistan’s defence and arms industry, while providing Türkiye with a mechanism to strengthen the concept of collective Muslim defence cooperation.

According to Fatima Tuz Zehra, the agreement could also enable Saudi Arabia to enhance its regional influence at a time when the Kingdom is facing growing security challenges and questions surrounding the limits of existing US security guarantees.

Experts at the Atlantic Council have described the trilateral defence agreement signed in Makkah as an important indication of an emerging security alignment spanning the Middle East and South Asia.

Under the agreement, an armed attack against any one of the three countries is to be regarded as an attack against all three, establishing a framework for collective security and mutual defence.

The agreement nevertheless represents a significant development in defence cooperation among Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye and could contribute to closer strategic coordination among the three countries.

Fatima Tuz Zehra mentioned the emerging arrangement reflected the growing importance of collective security mechanisms and closer defence cooperation among Muslim-majority countries amid an increasingly complex regional security environment.

She added that the agreement could have broader implications for Pakistan’s diplomatic engagement in the Gulf and the wider Middle East, while strengthening defence and strategic ties between Islamabad, Riyadh and Ankara. 300 ve 150 karakterli özet çıkar

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Horse enthusiasts, breeders, scientists, artists, and guests from around the world are invited to gather at the renowned Peelbergen Equestrian Centre for the World Beauty Championship and Equestrian Sports Competition among the Heavenly Akhal-Teke Horses.

Known as one of the oldest and most elegant horse breeds in the world, the Akhal-Teke horse is celebrated for its extraordinary beauty, endurance, intelligence, and historical significance. Often referred to as the “Heavenly Horse,” the breed represents centuries of Turkmen equestrian tradition and remains a treasured symbol of national heritage.

The Turkmen Akhal-Teke Horse

The Akhal-Teke is a horse breed that originated in the territory of present-day Turkmenistan. Known for its tall stature, intelligence, agility, strength, and glossy coat, the breed is remarkably resilient and capable of enduring long periods with limited food and water. Its distinctive, shimmering coat has earned it the nickname “Golden Horse.”

Today, the Akhal-Teke is considered one of the fastest horse breeds in the world, alongside the English Thoroughbred. Its origins are believed to date back approximately 3,000 years.

According to the Eastern calendar, 2026 is the Year of the Horse. Horses occupy a central place in Turkmen national identity: they are a source of pride, a priceless heritage, and a symbol of historical achievement. Among them, the Akhal-Teke horse is internationally renowned.

Ashgabat, Turkmenistan. Photo credit: Derya Soysal

The Art of Akhal-Teke Horse Breeding and the Traditions of Horse Decoration were officially inscribed on the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity on 5 December 2023.

Event Overview and Arrival

The international event will begin on Friday, 4 September, with the first stages of the World Beauty Championship, where young horses and mares aged one to four years will compete before an international jury of experts.

The day will also feature an exciting dressage competition, demonstrating the grace, discipline, and athleticism for which the breed is renowned.

At the same time, academics, breeders, and equestrian specialists will convene in Venray for the International Scientific and Practical Conference, “Akhal-Teke Horse: The Turkmen Art of World-Class Horse Breeding,” highlighting the historical, cultural, and scientific dimensions of Akhal-Teke breeding.

Main Championship Day

The highlight of the championship will take place on Saturday, 5 September.

High-level guests will be welcomed at Peelbergen before attending the open conference of the International Akhal-Teke Horse Breeding Association. Visitors will also have the opportunity to explore a special exhibition dedicated to Turkmen equestrian art, culture, artistic creativity, and the European horse industry.

The excitement will continue with the beauty competition for adult horses, followed by the selection of the World Champion Akhal-Teke Horse among the winners of all categories.

Another crowd favorite, the Best Decorated Horse Competition, will showcase the artistry and traditions associated with the breed.

During the afternoon, spectators will enjoy a thrilling show-jumping competition demonstrating the remarkable versatility and sporting abilities of the Akhal-Teke horse.

The championship celebrations will culminate in a prestigious awards ceremony honoring the winners of the beauty and sporting competitions, as well as artists, sculptors, painters, and carpet weavers who have captured the beauty of horses through their creative works.

The evening gala dinner promises to be a memorable occasion, bringing together international guests in a festive atmosphere accompanied by performances from distinguished masters of Turkmen culture and the arts.

The event will offer a unique opportunity to experience the richness of Turkmen traditions while celebrating excellence in the equestrian world.

Final Day and Closing

The championship will conclude on Sunday, 6 September, with cultural performances and the closing of the exhibition, leaving visitors with a deeper appreciation of the extraordinary relationship between culture, history, and horse breeding.

More than a competition, the World Beauty Championship and Equestrian Sports Competition among the Heavenly Akhal-Teke Horses is a global celebration of heritage, sport, science, and intercultural dialogue.

Why You Should See the Akhal-Teke Horses

Today, Akhal-Teke horses—distinguished for centuries by their strength, agility, and elegance—adorn the State Emblem of Turkmenistan, symbolizing the development of an independent and permanently neutral state.

Some researchers consider the Akhal-Teke one of the oldest horse breeds in the world.

The modern name “Akhal-Teke” emerged in 1881, combining the name of the Teke Turkmen tribe with that of the Akhal oasis.

The breed’s physical characteristics are the result not only of natural selection but also of centuries of selective breeding by the Turkmen people, who prioritized endurance, speed, and intelligence.

The cultural importance of horses is further evidenced by numerous Turkmen proverbs (Gökçimen, 2005: 201), including:

“At adamyň ganaty.”
A horse is a person’s wings.

“Ýigidiň myrady atdyr. Aty saklamak döwletdir.”
A brave man’s desire is a horse; caring for a horse is a fortune.

A Rare and Precious Heritage

Today, the Akhal-Teke is considered a rare breed, with fewer than 7,000 horses worldwide.

According to UNESCO analyses, Akhal-Teke horses are associated with numerous customs and traditions, including naming rituals, beauty contests, and equestrian competitions.

They constitute a national treasure of the people of Turkmenistan and remain a powerful symbol of their history, cultural heritage, and independence.

Conclusion

The World Beauty Championship and Equestrian Sports Competition among the Heavenly Akhal-Teke Horses is far more than an international sporting event. It is a celebration of a living heritage that connects history, culture, art, science, and the timeless bond between humans and horses.

For centuries, the Akhal-Teke has embodied the spirit, endurance, elegance, and cultural identity of the Turkmen people. Its distinctive beauty and exceptional qualities have transformed it into one of the world’s most remarkable and recognizable horse breeds.

In September 2026, this extraordinary heritage will travel from Turkmenistan to the Netherlands, bringing together breeders, riders, researchers, artists, diplomats, and horse enthusiasts from around the world.

Kronenberg will therefore become not only a meeting place for the international equestrian community, but also a bridge between cultures and generations.

Come and discover the legendary Akhal-Teke horse—an enduring symbol of beauty, strength, freedom, and the rich cultural heritage of Turkmenistan.

4–6 September 2026 | Peelbergen Equestrian Centre | Kronenberg, the Netherlands

Entry for all visitors is free. The venue is Peelbergen Equestrian Centre, Travers 5, 5976 NJ Kronenberg, Netherlands. Registration, tickets, and media accreditation: peelbergen.eu | csi@peelbergen.eu | +31 (0) 6 38273834.

Sources

Babayeva, S. (2024). THE HISTORICAL GLORY OF AHAL-TEKE HORSES. Инновационная наука, (5-2-2), 68-70.

Bıyıklı, M. (2019). “Türklerde At Kültürü ve Türk Mitolojisinde Atın Yeri ve Önemi”, International Congress on Afro Eurasian Research, (5),404-417.

Delice, T. B. Horse in the Turkmen Culture. International Journal of Sport Culture and Science, 3(Special Issue 4), 537-546.

ELMAS, A., & SEVEN, Ö. Bozkırın Altın Parıltısı: Ahal Teke Atlarının Tarihi ve Soykırımı Üzerine Bir İnceleme.

https://www.eureflect.com/world-championship-of-ahalteke-horses-2026-from-4-to-6-september-2026

Garyagdyyev, M., & Gazakov, G. (2024). AHAL-TEKE HORSES IN WORLD HORSE-BREEDING. Инновационная наука, (4-2), 56-58.

GÖKÇİMEN, Ahmet (2005) “Türkmen Atasözlerinde At”, A.Ü. Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü Dergisi, S. 25, Erzurum, ss. 199-212.

Invest in Turkmenistan. (n.d.). [2024 Declares as 'Ocean of Wisdom of Magtymguly Pyragy' Year]. Retrieved January 5, 2026, from https://invest.gov.tm/news/view?id=1733

LACHIN (2012) “Ahal-Teke Bedevleri”, Lachın Türkmenistan Inflight Turkmenhovayolları Bork Bukleti, ss. 12-25.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan. (n.d.). Turkmenistan celebrates Neutrality Day. Retrieved January 5, 2026, from https://www.mfa.gov.tm/en/articles/1595

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan. (n.d.). [A Round Table Dedicated to the 30th Anniversary of Turkmenistan’s Permanent Neutrality held in Ankara]. Retrieved January 5, 2026, from https://www.mfa.gov.tm/en/articles/1731

Myratdurdyyev, N., Weliyev, M., & Muhammetberdiyeva, A. (2024). AHAL-TEKE HORSES BREEDING. Инновационная наука, (12-2-3), 30-32.

News Ashgabat*. https://newsashgabat.com/?p=12042

Özkul, K. (2025). The Horse in Turkish Mythology, Ahal-teke and Hyotherapy Methods. İnsan ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 8(1), 1-25.

Turkmenistan State News Agency. (2025, November 11). Conference titled “Turkmen–French relations: Challenges and prospects in a fragmented world” was held in Paris. Retrieved January 5, 2026, from https://turkmenistan.gov.tm/en/post/100860/conference-titled-turkmenfrench-relations-challenges-and-prospects-fragmented-world-was-held-paris

UNESCO. (2021). Art of Akhal-Teke horse breeding and traditions of horses’ decoration. Retrieved January 5, 2026, from https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/art-of-akhal-teke-horse-breeding-and-traditions-of-horses-decoration-01978

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). (2025, January 1). Year of Peace and Trust 2025: Advancing sustainable development through partnerships and connectivity. Retrieved January 5, 2026, from https://www.undp.org/turkmenistan/blog/year-peace-and-trust-2025-advancing-sustainable-development-through-partnerships-and-connectivity

Constitution Avenue, which hosts Pakistan’s Parliament, Supreme Court, ministries and other key state institutions, was illuminated with the flags of the three countries. Banners featuring Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman were also displayed at prominent locations across the federal capital.

The special decoration of Islamabad reflects the deep-rooted ties and growing strategic partnership among Pakistan, Türkiye and Saudi Arabia. It represents a shared commitment to mutual trust, collective security, defence cooperation and regional stability.

The Makkah Joint Defence Agreement was signed in the holy city of Makkah by Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. A central provision of the agreement establishes that an armed attack against any one of the three countries would be considered an attack against all three, underscoring their commitment to collective defence and deterrence.

The agreement builds upon decades of close relations between Pakistan, Türkiye and Saudi Arabia and seeks to further institutionalise cooperation in the field of defence and security. It also reflects the three countries’ shared interest in promoting peace, security and stability in their respective regions and beyond.

Pakistan views the agreement as a defensive framework rooted in mutual solidarity and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. It is intended to strengthen collective preparedness and deterrence while contributing to a more secure and stable regional environment.

The historic symbolism of the agreement’s signing in Makkah, together with the display of the three national flags in Islamabad, reflects the enduring bonds of friendship and brotherhood connecting the peoples of Pakistan, Türkiye and Saudi Arabia.

Pakistan remains committed to working with its partners for peace, stability, dialogue and cooperation, and to contributing constructively to efforts aimed at strengthening regional and international security.

A delegation led by Salih Sunelcan, Chairman of the Board of Avrupa Çocuk Rehabilitation Centers, visited rehabilitation centers in Uzbekistan to strengthen cooperation in special education and rehabilitation services for children with disabilities. The initiative focuses on professional capacity building, early intervention, digital child monitoring, family education, and the exchange of best practices to enhance the quality of rehabilitation services for children with disabilities.

Reporter (Zulya Atavayeva):

Today we bring you a very important topic. On July 24, 2026, at the direction of the National Social Service Agency under the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, we visited a rehabilitation center in the Tashkent region that serves individuals with special needs.

As part of this visit, together with the Chairman of the Board of Avrupa Çocuk Rehabilitation Centers and Expert Defectologist with 21 years of experience, Mr. Salih Sunelcan, we assessed the center's physical infrastructure, expert staff, applied therapy methods, and quality of service firsthand.

In this interview, we will discuss the center's strengths, areas open to development, and how rehabilitation services can be advanced further in line with international standards, in light of Mr. Salih Sunelcan's professional experience.

Mr. Salih Sunelcan, welcome.

Salih Sunelcan:

Thank you, glad to be here.

Reporter:

First of all, could you tell us the purpose of your visit to Tashkent?

Salih Sunelcan:

We were invited to meet Uzbekistan's National Social Service Agency, within the framework of cooperation protocols carried out between the Republic of Turkey and Uzbekistan in the field of social services, with the aim of contributing to the development of services provided to children with disabilities.

In this context, Minister of Social Affairs Mansurbek Olloyorov received us at his office. I would like to thank him and all ministry officials for their hospitality and support.

For nearly a year now, we have had the opportunity to closely examine Uzbekistan's system of education, rehabilitation, and social services for children with disabilities. During this process, we saw that Uzbekistan has exemplary practices in many areas. At the same time, we assessed that Turkey's knowledge and experience could also make significant contributions here.

Our goal is to bring together the strengths of both countries to create a higher-quality and more sustainable rehabilitation model for children.

Last year, we organized training programs for approximately 300 specialists in the field of occupational therapy. This work today forms the basis for more comprehensive projects and institutional cooperation between the two countries.

In particular, we were quite impressed by the infrastructure, hygiene standards, technological equipment, and child-centered approach to service we saw at the Imkon rehabilitation centers. We thank all the officials, especially Ms. Gulnoza, for the close attention and support they showed.

As a result of nearly a year of fieldwork, we have prepared a comprehensive rehabilitation development project that will take Uzbekistan's current achievements even further. This project aims to implement new therapy approaches in line with international standards, increase specialist training, and establish digital tracking systems.

In addition, we have reached a shared understanding on organizing training programs in which specialists trained in Turkey will share their knowledge and experience with their colleagues in Uzbekistan.

We are ready to put all the experience I have gained over my 21-year professional career in defectology, occupational therapy, physical therapy, psychology, and family education at the service of children in Uzbekistan.

Reporter:

Mr. Sunelcan, what are the main areas of work you are planning for children in Uzbekistan in the coming period?

Salih Sunelcan:

Our most important priority is family education.

The family plays the greatest role in a child's developmental process. In particular, raising awareness among expectant mothers starting from pregnancy is of great importance for early intervention and preventive health services.

Our second goal is to support the continuous professional development of specialists working in the field of rehabilitation. By training specialists equipped with modern therapy methods, we aim to ensure that children receive higher-quality services.

In addition, we plan to establish a system in which students studying in relevant university departments can complete hands-on internships at Imkon centers. This will both train new specialists and further strengthen the academic structure of the centers.

Another important issue is making rehabilitation services more easily accessible within city centers. Alongside large rehabilitation centers, establishing satellite rehabilitation centers within cities will allow children to continue their education and treatment without interruption, and make it easier for families to access services.

Another project we are working on with great care is the digital child tracking system.

Through this system, from the moment a child receives their initial diagnosis, their entire developmental process will be tracked through a single digital platform. Doctors, therapists, rehabilitation centers, the National Social Service Agency, and the family will all be able to monitor the child's development through the same system.

Even if a child moves to a different city or their specialist changes, all developmental records will be preserved, and the new specialist will be able to continue the process from where it left off.

Families will also be able to track their child's development, access educational content, and become an active part of the process through a mobile application. In this way, mothers and fathers will become not just observers but informed members of the rehabilitation team.

Our ultimate goal is not simply to provide rehabilitation services.

Our aim is to ensure that children with disabilities participate in education, acquire a profession, and are integrated into society as productive individuals.

Because a productive child means a stronger family, a stronger society, and a stronger state.

Reporter:

Thank you very much for your valuable insights and the information you have shared, Mr. Salih Sunelcan.

Salih Sunelcan:

Thank you. I am very happy to be part of such meaningful work in Uzbekistan. I believe that through this cooperation between our two countries, we will together further improve the quality of life of our children with special needs.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q1. Your Excellency, during your five-year tenure in Pakistan, Azerbaijan and Pakistan have witnessed unprecedented political engagement. How would you assess the transformation of bilateral relations since 2021, and what do you consider the most significant achievements?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Assessing the transformation since 2021

First of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the leadership and the people of Pakistan for the warmth, friendship, and unwavering support they have extended to Azerbaijan throughout my tenure. Serving in Pakistan has been both a great honor and a deeply rewarding experience.

Over the past five years, Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations have reached an unprecedented level, evolving from a traditional brotherly friendship into a comprehensive strategic partnership. This transformation has been driven by the visionary leadership of His Excellency President Ilham Aliyev and Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, as well as the enduring mutual trust that exists between our two nations.

Since 2021, we have witnessed remarkable progress across every major sector. Politically, the momentum has been extraordinary, with seven high-level visits by the Presidents and Prime Ministers of both countries. These meetings were not merely ceremonial; they produced concrete decisions, strategic directives, and practical mechanisms that accelerated cooperation in numerous fields.

Our intergovernmental cooperation has also become much more institutionalized. Two rounds of political consultations between our Ministries of Foreign Affairs and two sessions of the Joint Intergovernmental Commission have helped transform political commitments into practical outcomes.

Beyond politics, our cooperation has expanded significantly in defense, trade, investment, education, culture, tourism, public administration, and people-to-people exchanges. Nearly forty bilateral agreements and memoranda of understanding have been signed during this period, creating a comprehensive legal framework that will continue to guide our partnership for many years to come.

Perhaps the greatest achievement has been the establishment of an irreversible strategic partnership built upon mutual respect, shared values, and complete confidence in each other's friendship. Azerbaijan and Pakistan today stand together not only as close allies but also as trusted partners working jointly for regional stability, economic prosperity, and sustainable development.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q2. The leadership of both countries exchanged seven high-level visits during this period. How have these engagements contributed to strengthening political trust and accelerating bilateral cooperation?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

High-level visits strengthen political trust

High-level exchanges represent the highest expression of political confidence between friendly nations. The seven mutual visits by our leaders during the past five years have elevated Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations to a truly strategic level.

These visits provided opportunities for comprehensive discussions on bilateral cooperation, regional developments, international affairs, and new avenues of partnership. More importantly, they resulted in clear political guidance for both governments to implement ambitious projects across multiple sectors.

One of the defining characteristics of our relationship is that both Azerbaijan and Pakistan consistently support each other's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national interests on international platforms. This unwavering diplomatic support has further strengthened political trust between our countries.

Another significant development has been the expansion of parliamentary diplomacy. Six mutual visits by the Speakers and parliamentary delegations have deepened legislative cooperation and encouraged greater interaction between lawmakers.

We also witnessed a historic milestone with the first-ever official visit of the Chief Minister of Punjab to Azerbaijan. This reflected our shared commitment to extending bilateral cooperation beyond the federal level and promoting direct collaboration between regions, provinces, and economic centers.

These engagements have transformed political goodwill into tangible cooperation, ensuring that our partnership continues to deliver practical benefits for both nations.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q3. Defense cooperation has emerged as one of the strongest pillars of Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations, including the induction of JF-17 Thunder fighter jets into Azerbaijan's air force. How do you envision the future of strategic defense collaboration between the two countries?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Defense cooperation reaches new heights

Defense cooperation has become one of the most dynamic and successful dimensions of Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations. Our collaboration is founded on mutual trust, professional excellence, and a shared commitment to peace, security, and regional stability.

During the last five years, we have witnessed an unprecedented number of exchanges between the senior leadership of our armed forces, including defense ministers, chiefs of defense, chiefs of general staff, commanders of the air force, and naval leadership. These interactions have significantly strengthened institutional cooperation and strategic understanding.

Joint military exercises such as Three Brothers, Indus Shield, Indus Shield Alpha, and Eternal Brotherhood have demonstrated the exceptional level of interoperability and professionalism between our armed forces. These exercises are not directed against any country; rather, they contribute to strengthening defense capabilities, promoting military professionalism, and enhancing regional security.

A historic milestone was undoubtedly Azerbaijan's procurement and induction of Pakistan's JF-17 Thunder fighter aircraft. This reflects Azerbaijan's confidence in Pakistan's advanced defense industry and symbolizes the high level of strategic trust between our countries. It also opens new opportunities for future cooperation in defense technology, joint production, training, and military innovation.

The participation of Azerbaijani military units in Pakistan's National Day parades and the presence of Pakistan's Armed Forces and JF-17 aircraft during Azerbaijan's Victory Day celebrations further demonstrate the close bonds between our militaries.

I firmly believe that defense cooperation will continue to serve as a cornerstone of our strategic partnership and will expand into even broader areas in the years ahead.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q4. Joint military exercises such as Three Brothers, Eternal Brotherhood, and Indus Shield have become regular features of bilateral and trilateral cooperation. What message do these exercises send to the region and the international community?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Military exercises send a message of unity

These exercises demonstrate the strength of friendship, mutual confidence, and professional cooperation among participating nations. They are designed to improve interoperability, exchange expertise, and enhance preparedness for addressing modern security challenges.

The Three Brothers exercise, involving Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and Türkiye, marked a historic milestone in trilateral defense cooperation. Since then, our military collaboration has continued to evolve through exercises such as Indus Shield and Eternal Brotherhood, bringing together friendly countries committed to strengthening peace and stability.

These activities showcase the high level of coordination among our armed forces and reinforce our collective commitment to international peace, counterterrorism cooperation, disaster response, and regional security.

Equally important is the symbolic value of these exercises. They reflect the strong political will of our governments to deepen strategic cooperation while promoting stability and constructive engagement in the wider region.

The expanding trilateral partnership between Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and Türkiye has become an excellent example of how friendly nations can work together through dialogue, mutual respect, and shared strategic interests.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q5. Trade between Azerbaijan and Pakistan has grown remarkably, supported by the Preferential Trade Agreement and Transit Trade Agreement. What further steps are needed to fully realize the economic potential of the partnership?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Trade growth and economic potential

Economic cooperation represents one of the greatest opportunities for the future of Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations. While our political and defense partnerships have always been exceptionally strong, we are now witnessing equally impressive progress in trade, investment, and commercial cooperation.

During the past five years, bilateral trade has increased dramatically—from approximately USD 11 million to hundreds of millions of dollars—reflecting the growing confidence of businesses in both countries.

The signing of the Preferential Trade Agreement and the Transit Trade Agreement has laid a solid legal foundation for expanding commerce. These landmark agreements will facilitate smoother market access, strengthen regional connectivity, and create new opportunities for exporters and investors.

Another significant achievement has been the establishment of the Azerbaijan-Pakistan Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Islamabad and the opening of the Azerbaijan Trade House in Lahore. These institutions are already serving as important platforms for connecting businesses, promoting investment, and identifying new commercial opportunities.

The announcement by President Ilham Aliyev of a USD 2 billion investment package for commercially viable sectors of Pakistan's economy marks another transformative chapter in our economic partnership. Through SOCAR's active engagement and projects such as the White Oil Pipeline, we are laying the foundations for long-term strategic cooperation in the energy sector.

Looking ahead, I believe there remains tremendous untapped potential in energy, agriculture, pharmaceuticals, information technology, transport and logistics, tourism, mining, renewable energy, food processing, and industrial manufacturing.

Our objective is not simply to increase trade figures but to build a comprehensive economic partnership that generates sustainable growth, creates employment opportunities, and delivers lasting prosperity for the peoples of both Azerbaijan and Pakistan.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q6. President Ilham Aliyev announced a USD 2 billion investment package for Pakistan. Could you share the current progress of this initiative, including the White Oil Pipeline project and SOCAR's role in Pakistan?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Progress on the $2 billion investment package

The announcement by His Excellency President Ilham Aliyev regarding a USD 2 billion investment package for Pakistan stands as one of the most significant milestones in the history of Azerbaijan-Pakistan economic relations. It reflects Azerbaijan’s strong confidence in Pakistan’s economic potential and our determination to build a long-term, mutually beneficial investment partnership.

Following this landmark announcement, active engagement has been initiated through the State Oil Company of the Azerbaijan Republic (SOCAR) in close coordination with the Government of Pakistan. Both sides have worked diligently to identify commercially viable sectors that can deliver sustainable economic returns while contributing to Pakistan’s development priorities.

Among the flagship initiatives is the White Oil Pipeline Project, whose groundbreaking ceremony is expected to take place in the near future. This project is of strategic importance, as it will strengthen Pakistan’s energy infrastructure, improve the efficiency of petroleum transportation, enhance energy security, and contribute to long-term economic growth.

Our cooperation extends beyond energy. Azerbaijan is exploring opportunities in logistics, infrastructure, industrial development, and other strategic sectors. We firmly believe that these investments will not only strengthen bilateral economic relations but also encourage greater private-sector participation and open new avenues for cooperation between businesses in both countries.

This investment package symbolizes Azerbaijan’s confidence in Pakistan’s future and demonstrates our commitment to transforming our strategic partnership into a robust economic alliance.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q7. The establishment of the Azerbaijan-Pakistan Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the Azerbaijan Trade House in Lahore marks a new chapter in economic relations. How do you expect these institutions to enhance business-to-business cooperation?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

New institutions boost business ties

Economic diplomacy is most successful when it creates direct connections between businesses, entrepreneurs, and investors. The establishment of the Azerbaijan-Pakistan Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry (APJCCI) in Islamabad and the inauguration of the Azerbaijan Trade House in Lahore are landmark achievements that will significantly strengthen these connections.

The Joint Chamber provides an institutional platform where businesses from both countries can exchange ideas, identify investment opportunities, organize trade missions, and develop long-term commercial partnerships. It serves as an effective bridge between our private sectors and helps address practical business concerns while promoting bilateral trade.

Similarly, the Azerbaijan Trade House in Lahore showcases Azerbaijani products, promotes our industries, and introduces Pakistani businesses to investment opportunities in Azerbaijan. Lahore, being one of Pakistan’s largest commercial and industrial centers, offers an ideal location for expanding economic cooperation.

These institutions are expected to facilitate business matchmaking, promote joint ventures, encourage technology exchange, and increase awareness of the investment climate in both countries.

Our goal is to ensure that economic cooperation becomes as vibrant and dynamic as our political and strategic partnership. I am confident that these institutions will play a pivotal role in achieving this objective.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q8. Direct air connectivity and Azerbaijan's ASAN online visa system have significantly increased people-to-people exchanges. How important is tourism in strengthening bilateral relations, and what additional initiatives can we expect in this sector?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Tourism and people-to-people exchanges grow

Tourism is one of the most effective ways to bring people closer together. When citizens visit each other’s countries, they gain a deeper appreciation of each other’s history, culture, traditions, and hospitality. Such interactions create lasting friendships and strengthen the foundations of bilateral relations.

One of our most notable achievements has been the restoration and expansion of direct air connectivity after nearly three decades. Today, 11 weekly direct flights operated by AZAL, PIA, and Airblue connect Baku with Islamabad and Lahore, making travel more convenient than ever before.

At the same time, Azerbaijan’s ASAN online visa system has greatly simplified travel procedures for Pakistani citizens. As a result, the number of Pakistani visitors to Azerbaijan has grown significantly, reaching approximately 92,000 visitors in 2025, with projections indicating that this figure may exceed 100,000 by the end of 2026.

This remarkable growth reflects the increasing interest of Pakistani travelers in Azerbaijan’s rich cultural heritage, natural beauty, modern infrastructure, and warm hospitality.

Looking ahead, we intend to further promote tourism through cultural festivals, tourism exhibitions, business travel, educational exchanges, and joint promotional campaigns involving travel agencies and airlines. We also welcome more Azerbaijani tourists to discover Pakistan’s breathtaking landscapes, historical heritage, and vibrant culture.

Tourism has become a true bridge of friendship between our peoples and will continue to play an increasingly important role in our bilateral relationship.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q9. The ASAN Service Center model has been introduced in Pakistan as an example of Azerbaijan's public service innovation. What does this project represent for bilateral cooperation beyond governance and public administration?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

The introduction of the ASAN Service Center model in Pakistan represents much more than the transfer of administrative expertise—it is a symbol of mutual trust and the sharing of successful governance experiences between two brotherly countries.

ASAN Service is internationally recognized as one of Azerbaijan’s most successful public sector innovations. It has transformed the delivery of government services by making them more efficient, transparent, citizen-friendly, and technologically advanced.

We are honored that Pakistan has chosen to adopt elements of this successful model. The establishment of the ASAN Service Center in Islamabad demonstrates the growing depth of cooperation between our governments and reflects Pakistan’s confidence in Azerbaijan’s institutional experience.

Beyond public administration, this project promotes digital transformation, institutional modernization, capacity building, and knowledge sharing. It also opens new opportunities for cooperation in e-governance, innovation, public sector reforms, and human resource development.

The ASAN initiative clearly illustrates that Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations are not limited to traditional diplomacy but also encompass practical cooperation aimed at improving the daily lives of our citizens.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q10. Educational and academic cooperation has expanded rapidly, with the number of Pakistani students in Azerbaijan increasing from around 100 to nearly 2,000. What opportunities do you see for further collaboration between universities, research institutions, and think tanks?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Education is one of the most valuable investments any nation can make, and I firmly believe that our students, researchers, and scholars will shape the future of Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations.

During the past five years, educational cooperation has witnessed extraordinary progress. The number of Pakistani students studying in Azerbaijan has increased from approximately 100 to nearly 2,000, reflecting the growing attractiveness of Azerbaijani universities and the excellent academic environment they offer.

At the institutional level, numerous agreements and operational roadmaps have been signed between leading universities and research institutions of both countries, including ADA University, Baku State University, Azerbaijan Technical University, the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS), Quaid-i-Azam University, NUST, NUML, Government College University Lahore, IQRA National University, and several prominent think tanks such as the AIR Center, ISSI, IRSI, and the Muslim Institute.

These partnerships have already begun producing meaningful cooperation in research, faculty exchanges, academic conferences, innovation, technology, and policy studies.

We have also established several important cultural and academic institutions, including the Heydar Aliyev Auditorium at NUST, the Azerbaijan Language and Culture Center at NUML, the Azerbaijan-Urdu Science Center at Government College University Lahore, the Azerbaijan Studies Center at the National Library of Pakistan, and the Nizami Ganjavi Corner at the National Book Foundation of Pakistan. Likewise, Urdu language studies continue to flourish at Baku State University, while the Pakistan Center at the Azerbaijan University of Languages further strengthens academic and cultural understanding.

Going forward, I envision even greater collaboration in artificial intelligence, engineering, information technology, medical sciences, renewable energy, agricultural research, public policy, and innovation. We also hope to expand scholarship opportunities, joint research projects, and student exchange programs.

The young generation will undoubtedly become the strongest ambassadors of friendship between Azerbaijan and Pakistan, ensuring that our partnership continues to flourish for decades to come.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q11. Several cultural and language initiatives—including the Azerbaijan Language and Culture Center at NUML, the Heydar Aliyev Auditorium at NUST, and Pakistan-related academic centers in Azerbaijan—have been launched during your tenure. How do these initiatives contribute to building lasting people-to-people connections?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Culture is one of the most powerful instruments of diplomacy because it connects hearts before it connects institutions. While governments formulate policies, it is culture, education, language, and human interaction that build friendships capable of lasting for generations.

I am particularly proud that during the past five years, Azerbaijan and Pakistan have made remarkable progress in strengthening cultural and academic diplomacy. We have established the Heydar Aliyev Auditorium at the National University of Sciences and Technology (NUST), the Azerbaijan Language and Culture Center at the National University of Modern Languages (NUML), and the Azerbaijan–Urdu Science Center at Government College University Lahore. In addition, the Azerbaijan Studies Center at the National Library of Pakistan and the Nizami Ganjavi Corner at the National Book Foundation of Pakistan have been renovated and strengthened as important platforms for cultural engagement.

Equally encouraging is the promotion of Urdu language studies at Baku State University and the establishment of the Pakistan Center at the Azerbaijan University of Languages, which reflects our commitment to mutual understanding and academic exchange.

These initiatives enable students, researchers, writers, artists, and scholars to engage directly with each other’s history, literature, and cultural heritage. They also encourage collaborative research, language learning, and intellectual dialogue.

Our two nations share many common values—respect for family, hospitality, cultural diversity, and a rich historical legacy. Through these cultural and educational institutions, we are ensuring that these shared values continue to strengthen our friendship and inspire future generations.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q12. The Azerbaijan–Pakistan–Türkiye trilateral partnership has evolved to the level of leaders' summits. What strategic importance does this trilateral format hold for regional peace, connectivity, and economic development?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

The Azerbaijan–Pakistan–Türkiye trilateral partnership is founded on a unique combination of historical friendship, strategic trust, and shared values. It represents one of the most successful examples of regional cooperation among three brotherly nations.

During the past five years, this cooperation has reached an entirely new level. What initially began as consultations among foreign ministers and parliamentary leaders has now evolved into regular meetings among the Heads of State and Government. The leaders of our three countries have already held three trilateral summits in Astana, Lachin, and Baku, while our parliamentary speakers have also conducted three trilateral meetings during the same period.

This institutional evolution demonstrates the strong political commitment of Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and Türkiye to work together on issues of mutual interest.

Our trilateral cooperation extends well beyond diplomacy. It includes defense collaboration, regional connectivity, trade, transport, investment, education, technological innovation, disaster management, and cultural exchange. Joint military exercises and strategic consultations have strengthened our ability to address common security challenges while promoting peace and stability.

The three countries also support one another on issues of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and international law. This shared understanding provides a solid foundation for long-term cooperation.

Looking ahead, I believe the trilateral format will continue to expand, creating new opportunities for economic integration, infrastructure development, regional connectivity, and innovation. Together, Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and Türkiye can make meaningful contributions to peace, stability, and sustainable development across a wider region.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q13. Nearly 40 bilateral agreements and memoranda have been signed during the past five years across various sectors. Which of these agreements do you believe will have the most long-term impact on Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Each agreement signed between Azerbaijan and Pakistan represents another building block in our strategic partnership. Rather than viewing any single agreement as the most important, I believe their collective impact is what makes this period truly historic.

During the past five years, nearly 40 bilateral agreements, treaties, and memoranda of understanding have been concluded in fields including economy, trade, investment, defense, defense industry, education, tourism, culture, law, justice, public services, and local government cooperation.

Among these, the Preferential Trade Agreement and the Transit Trade Agreement provide a strong legal foundation for expanding bilateral commerce and regional connectivity. Likewise, agreements related to investment cooperation will support major economic projects for years to come.

In education and culture, institutional partnerships between universities and research centers are creating long-term academic collaboration, while agreements on sister-city cooperation are strengthening local-level engagement.

Defense cooperation agreements have elevated military collaboration to an unprecedented strategic level, while the adoption of Azerbaijan's ASAN Service model demonstrates that our cooperation also extends into governance and public administration.

Together, these agreements have transformed Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations into a comprehensive strategic partnership supported by robust institutional mechanisms. They ensure continuity, provide predictability, and create a framework through which future generations can continue to deepen cooperation.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q14. Pakistan has consistently supported Azerbaijan's sovereignty and territorial integrity, while Azerbaijan has stood firmly with Pakistan on issues of national importance. How important is this mutual diplomatic support in shaping the future of bilateral relations?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

The relationship between Azerbaijan and Pakistan is built upon principles rather than convenience. One of the defining characteristics of our partnership has been our unwavering support for each other's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and legitimate national interests.

Pakistan has always stood firmly with Azerbaijan during some of the most important moments in our modern history, and the people of Azerbaijan deeply appreciate this principled support. Likewise, Azerbaijan has consistently supported Pakistan on issues of national importance and remains committed to strengthening this enduring partnership.

Such mutual understanding has created an exceptional level of political trust between our countries. It enables us to work closely not only bilaterally but also within international and multilateral organizations where our positions often complement one another.

This relationship is not based solely on diplomatic interests; it is founded on genuine friendship, mutual respect, and shared values. It reflects the aspirations of our peoples and the vision of our leadership for a peaceful, stable, and prosperous future.

I am confident that this tradition of mutual support will remain one of the strongest pillars of Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations for many decades to come.

Muhammad Ali Pasha:

Q15. As your tenure in Pakistan concludes, what message would you like to share with the governments and people of both Azerbaijan and Pakistan regarding the future of this brotherly partnership, and what areas of cooperation do you believe hold the greatest promise in the coming decade?

Ambassador Khazar Farhadov:

Serving as the Ambassador of the Republic of Azerbaijan to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan has been one of the greatest honors of my diplomatic career. During these five years, I have witnessed not only the remarkable growth of our bilateral relations but also the extraordinary affection and goodwill that the people of Pakistan have consistently shown toward Azerbaijan.

I sincerely thank the Government of Pakistan, its institutions, the diplomatic community, the media, academia, business leaders, and above all, the people of Pakistan, for their friendship, cooperation, and hospitality. Their unwavering support has made my mission both successful and deeply meaningful.

Looking back, I believe we have together laid a strong and lasting foundation for the future. We have transformed political goodwill into practical cooperation, expanded our strategic partnership across numerous sectors, strengthened institutional mechanisms, and brought our peoples closer than ever before.

However, I firmly believe that the best chapters of Azerbaijan-Pakistan relations are still ahead of us.

The coming decade offers tremendous opportunities in trade, investment, energy security, transport and logistics, defense industries, digital transformation, artificial intelligence, renewable energy, higher education, healthcare, tourism, cultural diplomacy, and youth engagement.

The implementation of major investment initiatives, including the USD 2 billion investment package, the White Oil Pipeline Project, expanded connectivity, and deeper private-sector collaboration will further strengthen our economic partnership.

At the same time, our growing educational exchanges, cultural cooperation, and people-to-people contacts will ensure that the friendship between Azerbaijan and Pakistan continues to flourish for generations.

I have every confidence that under the visionary leadership of President Ilham Aliyev and Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, our two brotherly nations will continue to achieve new milestones together.

Allow me to conclude by reaffirming a simple yet profound truth: Azerbaijan and Pakistan are not merely friendly countries—they are true brothers whose partnership is founded on trust, shared values, mutual respect, and an unwavering commitment to each other's prosperity and success.

I remain optimistic that this unique relationship will continue to serve as a model of strategic cooperation, regional solidarity, and enduring friendship in the years to come.

In the 40th NATO Summit held in Ankara, Turkiye on July 7-8, leaders of all 32 member states together with representatives of the EU reaffirmed their commitment to Article 5 amid an evolving security landscape. Increasing defense spending up to 5 percent of GDP (by 2035), expanding military industrial base and advancing weapon modernization were the pressing issues on the agenda. An amount of 70 billion Euros was pledged to Ukraine under NATO’s military equipment program to project Europe’s unwavering support. While calling for greater ‘European burden-sharing’, President Trump expressed his disappointment over non participation of NATO allies in the US war with Iran. Simultaneously reservations over Trump’s policies (seizure of Venezuelan President Maduro, acquisition of Greenland) have been expressed by European leadership on numerous occasions. Recently the French President criticized US for breaking free from international rules and attributes Trump’s predatory actions as “new colonialism and imperialism”.

With the NATO’s Summit, Europe reiterated its commitment towards a more assertive regional security posture. Since the catastrophes of world war 2nd, Continent of Europe had determined its fate from being a battleground of empires to a model of peace, welfare and interdependence. With the formulation of the European Coal and Steel Community ECSC, drivers of the region Germany and France agreed to cooperate in economic prospects that eventually spilled over into the affairs of higher politics. Building over a 76 years legacy of gradual integration, Europe has pursued tenets of liberal intergovernmentalism while promoting human rights, cooperation and societal welfare. By embracing ‘de weaponization policies’ and upholding democratic values and international norms, European states have built a substantive soft power and a normative influence. This framework of mutual cooperation produced lasting dividends for the region as, since WW2 European states have avoided confrontation against each other.

Anyhow contemporary developments are likely to steer Europe to draw lines from its past. Russia-Ukraine war and Trump administration’s policies have overshadowed inspirations of the EU, bringing NATO back to the forefront of Europe’s strategic agenda. In the current geopolitical climate, where international law and governing bodies like the UN are increasingly under strain, Europe could fall prey to the transition from its soft image towards attaining a militarized regional posture. To counter Russia, NATO’s pursuit towards military modernization and stretched defence capacities have reintroduced concepts of security dilemma and Balance of Power in Europe. Beside raising finances for defense, Europe remains cautious of investing in emerging warfare technologies like UAVs, autonomous systems etc for upcoming conflicts. Beside cementing its transatlantic alliance, European NATO allies are developing indigenous defense capabilities and innovations to reduce their reliance on the US.

Trump’s transactional policies and predatory approach have considerably intensified geopolitical tensions. President Trump’s repeated critique over the NATO’s defense budget and signaling of military assets withdrawal (fighter jets, warships, strategic bombers etc) have heightened Europe’s security concerns vis-a-vis Russia. Moreover Trump’s imperialist ambitions regarding Greenland and operations in Venezuela have alarmed EU states i.e. Denmark and Spain to enhance Europe’s defense autonomy and self-reliance. Trump’s adventurism and efforts to draw European partners into wider Gulf conflict is another risk towards Europe’s longstanding prosperity. Citing Axios, soon after Trump’s scheduled meeting with Netanyaho and Zelenski this week, an expected conference is to be held in UK where defense ministers and senior diplomats from Europe will participate. After the UK, US is seeking to bring more European allies to side its operation in the Strait of Hormuz. Recently, Ukraine’s drone attack over the Iranian commercial vessel and subsequent statements from Russia and Iran have raised risk for a new conflict theatre in the Caspian sea. In case of Iranian retaliation, the situation would deteriorate further and if US succeeds in drawing Europe into the conflict zone, then the crisis could escalate into a broader regional war.

In the context of this transition, EU-Russia strained relations and breakdown of diplomatic channels have proved as critical catalysts. Collapse of treaties like CFE, ABM, Open skies and New Start etc have shattered regional arms control frameworks and prolonged mutual mistrust. Initiatives like EU-Russia Summits, NATO-Russia Council, etc have largely become stalled. Energy projects including Russia-EU gas pipeline (Nord-Stream) augmenting regional cohesion and interdependence get sabotaged since the start of Ukraine war. These developments have amplified the hostility of relations between Russia and Europe. Over that recent Gulf crises and precedents of naval dominance, disruption of SLOCs and global maritime routes further compel Europe to revisit its posture to safeguard its economic and strategic interests.

The Ankara Summit and Europe's Strategic Awakening

To constrain Europe’s probable transition towards re militarization, at the outset there is a pressing need for opting conflict resolution mechanisms between Russia and Europe. Negotiating platforms like Euro Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) and Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) could serve for restoring mutual trust, fostering confidence building and dispute settlements. Secondly Europe should remain an active third pole in the evolving global order, balancing its relations with East and the West. Pursuing strategic restraint and maintaining independent foreign policy towards global hotspots is essential to preserve Europe’s post-war legacy. On the constructive side, Europe could play its role in mitigating US-Iran hostility as it had done in the mediation of JCPOA via its E3 channel. Anyhow world is already on the verge of a major transformation where international norms, human rights and territorial integrity have become increasingly vulnerable and power politics is once again determining states behaviour, coercing peaceful actors like Europe to reconsider its path.

On August 7, 2026, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan are expected to sign a landmark joint defense agreement in Jeddah. This trilateral pact, which builds upon a bilateral Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement signed between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan in September 2025, represents a significant realignment of Middle Eastern geopolitics. Coming amid the ongoing US Iran war, escalating Houthi attacks, and intense diplomatic maneuvering over the Strait of Hormuz, this alliance is not merely a reaction to immediate threats but a calculated long term strategy to reshape the regional security architecture.

The trilateral pact is the culmination of nearly a year of negotiations, with a draft agreement reportedly prepared as early as January 2026. The decision to finalize it now was accelerated by the "latest developments in the region," according to sources close to the Saudi government. However, its significance extends far beyond the current crisis.

This agreement is the most visible manifestation of the broader R4 framework, a four party regional mechanism comprising Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan. The R4 group has been meeting regularly to coordinate positions on regional security and diplomatic issues, with its foreign ministers holding their fifth meeting just two days before the Jeddah summit. During that meeting, the ministers underscored the importance of maintaining freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz and urged a return to the US Iran memorandum of understanding. The trilateral defense pact effectively transforms this diplomatic coordination into a binding military commitment.

Pakistan's role in this emerging alliance is uniquely significant and fraught with complexity. As the Muslim world's only nuclear equipped state, Pakistan brings a deterrent capability that no other member can offer. The 2025 bilateral pact with Saudi Arabia already committed both sides to treat aggression against either as an attack on both, and Pakistani forces have already been deployed to Saudi Arabia under this agreement.

Simultaneously, Pakistan has positioned itself as the primary mediator between the United States and Iran. Islamabad hosted the first round of direct US Iran negotiations in April 2026 and signed the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding in June. Tehran has explicitly described Pakistan as its "main mediator" with Washington. This dual role as both a guarantor of Saudi security and a mediator with Iran places Pakistan in an extraordinarily delicate position. Any military escalation that triggers the defense pact could immediately compromise its credibility as a neutral peace broker.

Turkey's participation in this pact marks a significant evolution in its Middle East policy. Ankara has played a diplomatic role in negotiations aimed at ending the war in Gaza, but this defense agreement represents a much deeper security commitment. Turkey brings considerable military capabilities, including one of NATO's largest standing armies, and its inclusion signals a shift away from the more transactional approach that has characterized Turkish Gulf relations in recent years.

The trilateral nature of the pact also serves to balance the alliance. While Pakistan and Saudi Arabia share deep historical ties, Turkey's presence introduces a degree of strategic diversity that prevents any single member from dominating the partnership. This is particularly important given the sometimes tense relationship between Turkey and Saudi Arabia in recent years.

The timing of this agreement cannot be separated from the immediate security crisis engulfing the region. The US Iran war, which began on February 28, has drawn in several Gulf countries and paralyzed maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. A deal to reopen the strait appears close, with Iran saying it is in the "final stage" of drafting an agreement with Oman, but significant differences remain over maritime security arrangements, sanctions, and the terms of a permanent agreement.

Meanwhile, Yemen's Iran backed Houthi rebels have escalated their attacks on Saudi territory. Just one day before the Jeddah summit, a Houthi attack on Saudi Arabia's southern Najran region injured eleven civilians, including a woman and a four year old child who suffered second degree burns. The Houthis have also claimed missile attacks on Saudi oil tankers, directly threatening the kingdom's economic lifeline. These attacks underscore the immediate security threats that the new alliance is designed to counter.

Despite its strategic logic, the trilateral defense pact raises several critical questions that demand scrutiny.

First, the nuclear dimension remains deeply ambiguous. While Pakistani officials have denied that the country's nuclear arsenal is part of the framework, other statements have suggested that Pakistan's nuclear capabilities would be "absolutely" available under the defense agreement. This ambiguity creates dangerous uncertainty. Any perception that Pakistan's nuclear deterrent now extends to Saudi Arabia could provoke counter moves from regional rivals and fundamentally alter the strategic balance.

Second, the pact risks entangling its members in conflicts they did not anticipate. Pakistan's mutual defense agreement with Saudi Arabia has already raised concerns that Islamabad could be drawn into the US Iran war. The trilateral expansion of this commitment only multiplies these risks. Each member has different threat perceptions and varying willingness to act in response. A crisis that triggers the pact for one member might not be seen as equally urgent by others.

Third, the relationship between this new alliance and existing US security arrangements remains unclear. Saudi Arabia and Turkey both maintain significant military ties with the United States, while Pakistan has a complex relationship with Washington that includes periods of close cooperation and profound tension. The R4 group's members also rely on US military muscle and technology to varying degrees. A defense pact that could potentially put them in opposition to US interests creates a fundamental strategic contradiction.

Fourth, the exclusion of other major regional powers, particularly Egypt despite its R4 membership, raises questions about the alliance's scope and ambition. While the R4 framework includes Egypt, the trilateral defense pact currently does not. This may reflect differing threat perceptions or simply a phased approach to alliance building, but it also highlights the limitations of the current arrangement.

The trilateral defense pact represents a decisive move toward regional self reliance in security matters. For decades, Gulf states have depended on external powers, primarily the United States, for their security. The US Iran war has exposed the limitations of this dependence and accelerated the search for alternative arrangements. The new alliance, with its combination of nuclear deterrence, conventional military capabilities, and diplomatic weight, offers a template for a more autonomous regional security architecture.

However, this realignment is not without risks. The pact could deepen existing rivalries, provoke counter alliances, and create new flashpoints. The International Crisis Group's Yasmine Farouk has noted that the R4 countries' interests are not perfectly aligned and that the real test will be whether they can help bring the Iran war to an end. The trilateral defense pact is a bold statement of intent, but its ultimate success will depend on whether its members can translate their shared interests into effective collective action.

As Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif meet in Jeddah, they are not merely signing a piece of paper. They are attempting to reshape the Middle East's strategic landscape. Whether this new architecture will bring stability or simply create new sources of tension remains to be seen. What is certain is that the old order is gone, and a new one is being forged in the crucible of conflict.

The Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, signed on August 7, 2026, represents a pivotal moment in the modern geopolitical history of the Muslim world. While critics are quick to dismiss it as a paper shield or a mere political performance, a deeper analysis reveals that the pact is a pragmatic, necessary, and strategically sound response to a collapsing regional security order. It is not a replica of NATO, nor does it pretend to be; rather, it is a uniquely tailored framework that leverages the complementary strengths of its three founding members to forge a new axis of stability in a region increasingly abandoned by its traditional guarantors.

However, like any ambitious geopolitical endeavor, the Makkah Agreement faces significant hurdles. Its success will depend not on the rhetoric of its architects, but on the concrete steps taken to build the institutional, operational, and political infrastructure required to transform a declaration of intent into a functioning collective security mechanism.

The Makkah Agreement was born out of genuine crisis, not diplomatic vanity. The joint US-Israeli strikes on Iran in February 2026 and the ensuing Iranian retaliation shattered the region's fragile status quo. For Saudi Arabia, the traditional US security guarantee, the bedrock of Gulf stability for decades, proved unreliable as Iranian-backed proxies struck Saudi targets and threatened vital shipping lanes. In this anxious climate, the three signatories have done what responsible states must: they have pooled their resources to create a credible deterrent.

As analysts have noted, the partnership brings together complementary strengths that are remarkably well-suited to address the multifaceted threats of the modern era. Saudi Arabia provides immense financial power, strategic geography, and regional political weight. Turkey contributes a battle-hardened military, being NATO's second-largest army, and a rapidly growing defense industry capable of producing advanced technology like drones and naval systems. Pakistan offers a large, experienced military and, critically, an Islamic nuclear deterrent, a factor that significantly raises the cost of any aggression against the pact's members. This is not a random coalition but a strategic alignment of assets that, when coordinated, can address threats ranging from conventional warfare to asymmetric proxy conflicts.

Furthermore, the agreement is not a rejection of the United States but a prudent hedge against its perceived unreliability. The signatories are not seeking to replace Washington but to supplement its diminishing security umbrella with an indigenous framework. As Allison Minor of the Atlantic Council has pointed out, the agreement bolsters Saudi leverage as it copes with an emboldened Iran and confronts the limits of US deterrence. It provides the three nations with "additional strategic and policy options" in a world where reliance on a single partner has become a liability. The agreement represents a maturation of strategic thinking in the region, moving from dependence to a more resilient and self-reliant posture.

Despite its strategic logic, the Makkah Agreement's path to becoming an effective military alliance is fraught with challenges. The most significant hurdles are institutional, operational, and political.

The most glaring flaw, as highlighted by various analysts, is the absence of the operational infrastructure that makes alliances like NATO functional. NATO rests on integrated command systems, joint military planning, standardized equipment, interoperable communications, decades of shared exercises, and deep intelligence fusion. The Makkah Agreement, as publicly disclosed, contains none of these. There are no provisions for a joint military committee, no unified command structure, no common budget, and no mechanism for rapid decision-making in a crisis. Without these institutional bones, the pact's collective defense clause remains a statement of intent rather than an operational capability. Turkish professor Baris Doster has already expressed skepticism about the pact's operational impact, stating he does not foresee joint military maneuvers or patrols in sensitive areas.

A successful alliance requires a common adversary or a shared strategic vision. The three signatories have radically different primary security concerns. Saudi Arabia views Iran as its existential foe. Turkey maintains complex economic ties with Tehran while its primary focus is on Kurdish militancy and maritime disputes with Greece. Pakistan is overwhelmingly consumed by its rivalry with India. When a real attack occurs, which threat takes precedence? The agreement provides no agreed answer. This lack of a unifying strategic purpose could paralyze the alliance in a moment of crisis, as each member's national interests would inevitably take precedence over the collective commitment.

The agreement's open-door provision, inviting other Muslim nations to join, amplifies these contradictions. The vision of a NATO-style coalition of the entire Ummah is divorced from political reality. The Muslim world is fractured by sectarian animosities, proxy wars, and clashing national ambitions. The Saudi-Iranian schism remains unresolved; Turkey and Egypt are rivals; and the UAE views political Islamist movements with deep suspicion. There is no consensus on who the common enemy is. For Saudi Arabia, it is Iran; for Turkey, Kurdish groups; for Pakistan, India; for Egypt, political Islamists. Inviting these disparate states into the framework without first resolving these fundamental differences would transform the pact from a focused deterrent into a paralyzed debating society.

Turkey's membership in NATO creates a unique and potentially crippling complication for the Makkah Agreement. Article 8 of the Washington Treaty requires that NATO members do not enter into any international engagement that conflicts with their Treaty obligations. If Saudi Arabia or Pakistan faces an attack that does not directly involve a NATO ally, Ankara could find itself caught between its legal obligations to the Makkah pact and its strategic and political ties to the Atlantic Alliance. This dual-umbrella situation could lead to paralysis or a crisis of credibility for the new pact.

However, to overcome these hurdles and realize its potential, the Makkah Agreement must move beyond rhetoric and build the concrete pillars of a functioning alliance. The following recommendations are essential:The signatories must immediately establish the institutional framework that is currently missing. This includes:Creating a Permanent Joint Military Committee comprised of senior officers from all three nations to oversee planning, coordination, and intelligence sharing.Developing a Unified Command Structure for any combined military operations, even if only on paper initially. Establishing a Common Budget to fund joint exercises, intelligence-sharing infrastructure, and the standardization of equipment. Likewise, holding Regular, Large-Scale Joint Military Exercises to build interoperability and demonstrate the pact's credibility as a deterrent.

Given the divergent strategic priorities, the pact should focus initially on areas of clear, shared interest where cooperation can be quickly and effectively demonstrated. This includes:

Counter-Terrorism and Counter-Proxy Operations: The three nations face significant threats from non-state actors like the Houthis, Kurdish militant groups, and various terrorist organizations. Establishing a joint intelligence fusion center and coordinating counter-terrorism efforts would provide immediate, tangible benefits.

Maritime Security: The security of the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, and the Gulf of Aden is a vital interest for all three nations. The agreement should formalize and expand upon Saudi Arabia's proposed Multinational Maritime Defence Coalition, making it a core component of the pact's operational mandate.

Defense Industry Integration: Turkey's growing defense industry and Saudi Arabia's financial power can be combined with Pakistan's manufacturing capabilities to create joint ventures for military production, reducing dependence on external suppliers.

Turkey and its partners must proactively address the potential conflict with NATO obligations. This could involve: Issuing a Joint Clarification that the Makkah Agreement is a regional security arrangement that does not supersede Turkey's NATO commitments and is designed to be complementary, not conflicting. Engaging in Dialogue with NATO to ensure the alliance understands the pact's defensive nature and to prevent misunderstandings in a crisis.Defining the Scope of the Agreement to explicitly state that it applies to threats within a specific geographic region, thereby reducing the likelihood of overlap with NATO's Article 5 area of responsibility.

Instead of a grand, unwieldy coalition, the pact should adopt a "hub and spokes" model. The three core members (the "hub") would maintain the primary defense commitment to each other. Other Muslim nations (the "spokes") could be invited to join specific cooperative initiatives, such as the maritime coalition or counter-terrorism efforts, without being required to sign onto the full collective defense clause. This would allow for practical, issue-based cooperation without the paralyzing need for consensus on a common enemy. Egypt, which was reportedly expected to sign the initial agreement but did not, could be a natural first partner for such an approach.

The Makkah Agreement is a landmark achievement, born from a realistic assessment of a changing world order. It is a necessary step toward self-reliance for three major Islamic powers facing an uncertain future. However, its critics are correct in pointing out that its current form is more a statement of ambition than a functioning reality. The pact's future will not be determined by the grandeur of its signing ceremony but by the painstaking, unglamorous work of building the institutional, operational, and political infrastructure required for collective defense. If its architects are willing to move beyond symbolism and invest in the hard mechanics of alliance-building, the Makkah Agreement has the potential to become a genuine pillar of regional stability. If not, it will indeed remain a paper shield, a missed opportunity in a region that can ill afford one.

EU Enlargement Returns to the Forefront as Security Concerns Reshape Europe

The European Union is once again placing enlargement at the center of its long-term strategic agenda as geopolitical instability and security concerns redefine the bloc's priorities. Once viewed primarily as an economic and political project, EU enlargement has increasingly become a cornerstone of Europe's security strategy in response to Russia's war in Ukraine and broader regional instability.

EU leaders have intensified discussions on accelerating accession negotiations with several candidate countries, including Ukraine, Moldova, Albania and Montenegro. Officials argue that integrating these nations into the European project would strengthen political stability, democratic governance and economic resilience across the continent.

While enlargement has historically progressed slowly due to complex accession requirements and differing political views among member states, recent geopolitical developments have shifted the conversation. Many European policymakers now consider expansion not merely an institutional objective but a strategic investment in the continent's long-term security.

The renewed momentum reflects growing recognition that prolonged uncertainty in Europe's eastern neighborhood could undermine regional stability. By offering a clearer membership perspective, Brussels hopes to encourage reforms while reducing external influence in candidate countries.

Balancing Opportunity and Reform

Despite broad political support for enlargement, significant challenges remain. Candidate countries are expected to implement comprehensive reforms related to the rule of law, judicial independence, anti-corruption measures and democratic governance before joining the Union.

At the same time, the EU itself faces institutional questions. Several member states argue that internal reforms including decision-making procedures, budget mechanisms and voting rules—must accompany any future enlargement to ensure the Union remains effective with additional members.

European Commission officials have repeatedly emphasized that enlargement will continue to be based on merit rather than political timelines, maintaining that every candidate must fulfill the established accession criteria.

Security as the Driving Force

Security has emerged as the defining element of the enlargement debate. Russia's continued military pressure on Ukraine has reinforced the perception that political integration can contribute to greater regional resilience and collective stability.

Analysts argue that admitting new members from Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans would reduce geopolitical vulnerabilities while strengthening the EU's capacity to respond to future crises.

The discussion also reflects Europe's broader ambition to assume greater responsibility for its own security, complementing NATO while reinforcing the Union's political influence across neighboring regions.

Looking Ahead

Although full membership for many candidate countries may still require several years of negotiations, the renewed political commitment signals a significant shift in European priorities. Enlargement is no longer viewed solely as an administrative process but increasingly as a strategic tool for safeguarding peace, stability and democratic values across the continent.

As global geopolitical competition intensifies, the success of the EU's enlargement strategy will likely shape the future architecture of European security for decades to come.

Historic defence pact signed in Mecca

Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan have signed a landmark trilateral defence agreement in Mecca, marking one of the most significant security initiatives among major Muslim nations in recent years. The accord comes as the Middle East faces its most volatile security environment in decades, with ongoing military confrontations, disruptions to energy routes and growing uncertainty over the region's strategic balance.

The newly signed Mecca Joint Defence Agreement establishes a framework for closer military cooperation and collective security among the three countries. According to the joint declaration, an armed attack against one member would be considered an attack against all, reinforcing the principle of mutual defence while aiming to enhance regional deterrence against external aggression.

Although the agreement outlines a commitment to collective security, officials have not disclosed the precise military obligations each country would assume in the event of a conflict. The absence of detailed operational provisions leaves open questions regarding how the mechanism would function during an actual security crisis.

Turkish Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz emphasized that the initiative should not be interpreted as targeting any particular country. Turkish officials described the arrangement as a purely defensive framework that complements, rather than replaces, existing security partnerships maintained by the participating states.

A New Security Architecture

Regional security landscape shifts

The agreement reflects a broader shift in regional security thinking as Middle Eastern powers seek greater strategic coordination amid prolonged instability. Since the escalation of conflict involving Iran, Israel and several Gulf states earlier this year, regional governments have increasingly explored mechanisms that reduce dependence on external security guarantees while strengthening indigenous defence cooperation.

Analysts argue that bringing together Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan combines three distinct sources of strategic influence. Saudi Arabia remains one of the world's largest energy exporters and the guardian of Islam's holiest sites. Turkey possesses NATO's second-largest military force, while Pakistan contributes significant military experience and remains the only Muslim-majority country with nuclear weapons.

Abdulaziz Sager, chairman of the Gulf Research Center, described the agreement as a politically significant step demonstrating a growing willingness among influential regional powers to coordinate more closely on defence and diplomacy during a period of heightened geopolitical uncertainty.

Symbolism and Strategic Messaging

Symbolic significance of Mecca venue

Beyond its military implications, the choice of Mecca as the venue carries considerable symbolic importance, underscoring both religious legitimacy and political unity among the participating states.

Saudi officials have nevertheless sought to clarify the agreement's purpose. Riyadh insists the pact is neither designed to establish a new military bloc nor intended to fuel sectarian competition or a regional arms race. Officials also rejected suggestions that the agreement has any connection to nuclear cooperation.

Security experts believe the initiative is primarily aimed at improving deterrence, safeguarding regional stability and strengthening cooperation against common security threats rather than preparing for direct confrontation with any specific state.

Building on existing military cooperation

Building on Existing Military Cooperation

The pact formalizes defence relationships that have steadily expanded over many years. Pakistan has long provided military training and technical assistance to Saudi Arabia, while defence cooperation between Turkey and Pakistan has included joint exercises, naval collaboration and defence technology exchanges. Saudi Arabia has also become an important customer for Turkey's rapidly growing defence industry, particularly in the field of unmanned aerial systems.

The agreement also complements broader regional initiatives aimed at protecting maritime trade routes and energy infrastructure, both of which have faced increasing risks amid continuing instability across the Middle East.

Regional and Global Implications

Pact amid prolonged regional conflict

The defence pact emerges against the backdrop of prolonged regional conflict that has disrupted energy markets, challenged traditional security arrangements and intensified diplomatic competition across the Middle East.

For Saudi Arabia, strengthening regional partnerships supports efforts to protect critical energy exports and sustain ambitious economic transformation projects under Vision 2030. For Turkey, the agreement reinforces its expanding strategic role across the Middle East while maintaining its commitments within NATO. Pakistan, meanwhile, continues to deepen security ties with Gulf partners while balancing complex regional relationships.

Although questions remain regarding the practical implementation of the agreement, analysts view the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement as an important milestone in the evolution of a more regionally driven security architecture. Its long-term significance will depend less on its political symbolism than on the extent to which the three countries translate their commitments into sustained military coordination and strategic cooperation.

The transformation of the international security environment in recent years has made it increasingly difficult for states to conduct their defence policies exclusively on the basis of national military capabilities. Regional conflicts, non-state armed actors, the proliferation of missile and unmanned systems, energy security concerns, the protection of critical infrastructure, and the security of maritime trade routes have contributed to an environment in which security increasingly requires multilateral cooperation.

Within this context, defence diplomacy has become one of the principal instruments through which states integrate their military capabilities with broader foreign policy objectives. Defence diplomacy encompasses not only wartime military coordination but also the development of security relations during peacetime through military education and training, defence-industrial cooperation, joint exercises, high-level military contacts, strategic dialogue, and confidence-building mechanisms.

The Mecca Joint Defence Agreement, signed by Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan on 7 August 2026, should be examined within this broader strategic context. One of the Agreement's most significant provisions is the principle of collective defence, according to which an armed attack against any of the three countries is considered an attack against the other parties as well. This provision gives the Agreement a considerably stronger strategic character than conventional defence cooperation arrangements.

The Mecca Agreement did not, however, emerge in a strategic vacuum. The Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement signed between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia on 17 September 2025 elevated bilateral defence relations to the level of collective deterrence by establishing that an attack against either country would be regarded as an attack against both. The subsequent participation of Türkiye in the emerging trilateral framework is therefore significant insofar as it potentially transforms the existing Pakistan–Saudi Arabia defence axis into a broader regional security mechanism.

The principal objective of this article is not to examine the operational military dimensions of the Mecca Agreement, but rather to assess how the Agreement may generate deterrence through defence diplomacy. In doing so, the study situates the trilateral arrangement within the broader theoretical literature on deterrence, alliance credibility, strategic signalling, and defence diplomacy.

2. Conceptual Framework: Defence Diplomacy and Deterrence

Defence diplomacy can broadly be defined as the peaceful utilisation of defence institutions and military capabilities in support of foreign policy objectives. According to Cottey and Forster (2004), defence diplomacy may contribute to the establishment of long-term security relationships among states through military cooperation, training activities, institutional contacts between defence establishments, and confidence-building measures.

From this perspective, defence diplomacy functions primarily as an instrument of conflict prevention rather than as a mechanism for the conduct of war. Military power does not disappear from international relations; instead, it remains present in the background as a credible capability reinforcing diplomatic communication and political commitments.

This relationship directly intersects with deterrence theory. Schelling (1966) conceptualises deterrence not primarily as the actual use of military power but as the ability to influence an adversary's decision-making by credibly communicating the potential consequences of hostile action. Deterrence is therefore not solely a question of material capability. Rather, it depends on the relationship between capability, resolve, and communication.

Morgan (2003) similarly conceptualises deterrence as an attempt by one actor to persuade another that a particular course of action would generate unacceptable costs. From this perspective, the deterrent effect of alliances cannot be understood simply as the mathematical aggregation of the military capabilities of participating states. What matters is the expectation that an aggressor would confront not merely the targeted state but also its security partners.

The strategic significance of the Mecca Agreement becomes particularly evident within this theoretical framework. By establishing a common security commitment among three states, the Agreement potentially alters the cost-benefit calculations of prospective adversaries. An actor contemplating hostile action against one member would theoretically have to incorporate the possible responses of all three states into its strategic calculations.

Consequently, the Mecca Agreement may be interpreted as an attempt to transform separate national capabilities into a broader framework of collective deterrence.

3. The Strategic Context Leading to the Mecca Agreement

The growing strategic alignment among Türkiye, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia cannot be understood solely through the Agreement signed on 7 August 2026. The three countries entered this arrangement against the background of previously expanding bilateral and multilateral defence relationships.

Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have maintained military and security relations for decades. These relations were elevated to a more institutionalised strategic level through the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement of 17 September 2025. According to official Saudi and Pakistani statements, the agreement sought to strengthen defence cooperation and reinforce joint deterrence against aggression directed at either state.

Türkiye–Pakistan relations constitute another important component of this emerging strategic architecture. Bilateral relations have expanded considerably in the fields of defence industry cooperation, military training, defence technology, and broader strategic coordination. The two countries have developed an increasingly institutionalised security partnership, creating an important foundation for a trilateral mechanism.

Türkiye–Saudi Arabia relations have likewise undergone significant development, particularly in the defence and security domains. The expansion of defence-industrial contacts and strategic dialogue between Ankara and Riyadh has facilitated the emergence of a broader framework capable of incorporating Pakistan.

Furthermore, cooperation among the three states has not been confined to strictly military affairs. Diplomatic coordination has also intensified through regional consultation mechanisms. During 2026, Türkiye, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia participated in several diplomatic initiatives concerning regional security and stability. For example, at the fourth R4 consultative meeting held on 21 June 2026, the foreign ministers of Türkiye, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt emphasised the importance of sustained consultation and coordination for regional peace, security, and stability.

The Mecca Agreement should therefore be understood not as the sudden creation of a new military bloc, but rather as the institutionalisation of progressively intensifying diplomatic and defence relationships.

4. The Mecca Agreement from the Perspective of Defence Diplomacy

The first major strategic function of the Mecca Agreement is its potential to transform existing bilateral defence relationships into a trilateral defence diplomacy framework.

Bilateral defence relations can remain limited to specific fields of cooperation. A trilateral mechanism, by contrast, may enable security challenges to be evaluated through a shared strategic framework. Such an arrangement can potentially facilitate more regular coordination among ministries of defence, ministries of foreign affairs, military establishments, security institutions, and defence-industrial organisations.

The second dimension concerns strategic signalling. One of the principal functions of defence diplomacy is to communicate to external actors the extent of solidarity and strategic coordination among participating states. The collective defence commitment contained in the Mecca Agreement constitutes a particularly strong diplomatic signal in this respect.

The Agreement communicates that the security of Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan can no longer necessarily be evaluated as three entirely separate strategic questions. Instead, a hostile action against one party may create consequences involving the broader trilateral framework. This increases uncertainty for potential adversaries and may consequently raise the anticipated costs of aggression.

A third dimension is defence-industrial diplomacy. Türkiye's rapidly developing defence-industrial capabilities, Pakistan's extensive military experience and defence infrastructure, and Saudi Arabia's substantial financial resources and investment capacity create potentially complementary strategic assets.

Türkiye's defence industry can contribute technological and industrial capacity; Pakistan can provide military experience, human capital, and strategic depth; while Saudi Arabia can contribute investment resources, economic leverage, and geopolitical influence. The combination of these assets could allow defence diplomacy to extend beyond political declarations into technological cooperation, military education, institutional capacity building, and potentially joint defence-industrial initiatives.

Defence-industrial cooperation is particularly important because it creates long-term interdependence. Unlike short-term diplomatic agreements, defence projects typically involve training, maintenance, technology transfer, logistics, supply chains, and institutional interaction over extended periods. Consequently, defence-industrial cooperation may function as a mechanism for consolidating political trust among the three states.

5. Assessing the Deterrence Capacity of the Agreement

The most important feature of the Mecca Agreement from a deterrence perspective is its capacity to bring three distinct categories of strategic power within a common security framework.

Türkiye contributes a rapidly developing defence industry, extensive institutional military experience acquired within NATO, significant conventional military capabilities, and a geostrategic position connecting Europe, the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Middle East, the Eastern Mediterranean, and adjacent regions.

Pakistan's contribution has a different strategic character. Pakistan possesses large and experienced armed forces and occupies a distinctive position in international deterrence literature as a nuclear-armed South Asian state. Nevertheless, publicly available information concerning the nuclear dimension of the Mecca Agreement remains limited. It would therefore be analytically inappropriate to assume that the Agreement automatically establishes a Pakistani "nuclear umbrella" over Türkiye or Saudi Arabia.

What is strategically relevant is not necessarily an explicit extension of nuclear deterrence, but the effect of Pakistan's overall strategic capabilities on the perceived credibility of the trilateral arrangement. Pakistan's status inevitably affects how external actors may calculate the potential consequences of escalation involving the three-country framework.

Saudi Arabia represents the third pillar. Its contribution derives from its considerable economic capacity, central position within global energy markets, geopolitical influence in the Gulf and Red Sea regions, and wider diplomatic significance across the Islamic world.

When combined, these three components may produce what can be described as multilayered deterrence.

Deterrence does not consist exclusively of the threat of direct military retaliation. Diplomatic isolation, economic costs, defence-industrial mobilisation, political pressure, and the expectation that an attacked state will not remain strategically isolated can also affect an adversary's calculations.

For analytical purposes, the deterrent potential of the Mecca Agreement can therefore be conceptualised as follows:

Deterrence = Capability + Credibility + Solidarity + Strategic Communication

The first component, capability, concerns whether the participating states possess sufficient material resources to impose costs upon an aggressor.

The second, credibility, concerns whether adversaries believe that these capabilities would actually be employed if required.

The third, solidarity, concerns the political cohesion of the three states and their willingness to accept costs in defence of one another.

Finally, strategic communication concerns whether the collective commitment is clearly communicated to potential adversaries without simultaneously generating unnecessary escalation.

The possession of substantial capabilities by Türkiye, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia is therefore insufficient by itself. For the Agreement to function as an effective deterrent, the mutual defence commitment must also be perceived as credible.

6. Collective Defence and Strategic Ambiguity

The provision defining an attack against one party as an attack against the others naturally invites comparisons with NATO's collective defence principle. Indeed, some international commentary has characterised the arrangement as a "NATO-style" defence pact.

Such comparisons should nevertheless be approached cautiously.

NATO is a highly institutionalised alliance supported by decades of integrated command structures, joint defence planning, standardisation mechanisms, military exercises, interoperability arrangements, and permanent political and military bodies. Whether the Mecca Agreement will develop comparable institutional mechanisms remains uncertain.

This distinction is particularly important because political declarations of collective defence and operationally credible collective defence mechanisms are not necessarily identical.

The concept of strategic ambiguity is relevant in this regard. Even if a prospective aggressor does not know precisely how Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, or Pakistan would respond to an attack against one of the other parties, the possibility of broader intervention must nevertheless be incorporated into its calculations.

A certain degree of uncertainty can strengthen deterrence because the aggressor cannot confidently limit the scope of a potential conflict.

However, excessive ambiguity may produce the opposite result. If external actors conclude that the parties themselves do not know under what circumstances they would assist one another, the credibility of the collective defence commitment could weaken.

The long-term deterrent value of the Agreement will therefore depend on the ability of the three states to balance strategic ambiguity with institutional credibility.

7. Strategic Implications for Türkiye

For Türkiye, one of the most significant implications of the Mecca Agreement is the geographical expansion of its defence diplomacy.

Türkiye remains a member of NATO and possesses longstanding institutional connections with the Euro-Atlantic security architecture. The Mecca Agreement need not necessarily be interpreted as replacing or directly challenging these relationships. Rather, it can be understood as establishing an additional channel of defence diplomacy extending towards the Middle East, the Gulf, and South Asia.

This development is consistent with Türkiye's broader tendency towards multidimensional strategic engagement.

A second implication concerns the diplomatic role of Türkiye's defence industry. Defence technologies are not merely commercial export products. Because defence cooperation typically requires training, maintenance, technical assistance, technology transfer, logistical coordination, and long-term institutional relationships, defence exports can also function as instruments of foreign policy.

Türkiye's defence-industrial capabilities could therefore become one of the principal mechanisms through which the trilateral framework is institutionalised.

Third, the Agreement could strengthen Türkiye's position as a strategic actor linking Gulf security with South Asian security. Such a role may increase Ankara's diplomatic relevance in regional crises and reinforce its ability to operate across multiple geopolitical environments.

Nevertheless, the Agreement also raises an important strategic question for Türkiye: how obligations arising from NATO membership and commitments under the new trilateral defence framework would be coordinated during a major regional crisis.

The sustainability of the Mecca framework may therefore depend partly on Ankara's ability to manage these security relationships as complementary mechanisms operating across different geographical and political contexts rather than as competing alliance structures.

8. Risks and Limitations

Despite its strategic potential, the Mecca Agreement also faces several important limitations.

First, the threat perceptions of Türkiye, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia are not identical. South Asian security dynamics remain central to Pakistan's strategic calculations, whereas Saudi Arabia prioritises security challenges in the Gulf, the Red Sea, and the wider Middle East. Türkiye, meanwhile, operates within an exceptionally broad security environment extending from the Black Sea and the Caucasus to the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East.

The central challenge will therefore be transforming different national threat perceptions into a sufficiently coherent common security framework.

The second issue concerns the risk of alliance entrapment. One party's involvement in a regional confrontation could potentially create expectations of support from the other parties. Determining which types of attacks activate collective defence obligations and what forms of assistance are required will therefore be essential for managing escalation risks.

The third challenge is institutionalisation. Political commitments become effective deterrence mechanisms only when supported by credible structures. Regular consultation mechanisms, strategic assessments, crisis communication channels, defence planning, and institutional coordination will therefore be crucial to the long-term effectiveness of the Agreement.

The fourth issue concerns external perceptions. If the Mecca Agreement is interpreted as an offensive bloc directed against a specific state or group of states, its stabilising function as an instrument of defence diplomacy could be weakened. The parties must therefore communicate the defensive character of the arrangement clearly.

Defence diplomacy is most effective when it simultaneously strengthens the security of participating states and reduces uncertainty concerning their intentions. Strategic communication will consequently constitute a critical component of the Agreement's long-term credibility.

9. Conclusion

The Mecca Joint Defence Agreement represents an important attempt to institutionalise the defence diplomacy relationship among Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan. Its strategic significance derives not merely from the aggregation of the military capabilities of the three states, but more importantly from the possibility of linking these capabilities through a common political commitment and mutual security framework.

From the perspective of deterrence theory, the principal effect of the Agreement is its potential to alter the calculations of prospective adversaries. If an attack against one party creates a credible possibility of involvement by the other two, the anticipated political, military, economic, and strategic costs of aggression increase considerably.

From the perspective of defence diplomacy, meanwhile, the Agreement should be understood as a security instrument designed to operate before military force becomes necessary. The effectiveness of defence diplomacy is not measured primarily by the ability to wage war, but by the ability to reduce the probability of war through credible capability, institutional cooperation, and political solidarity.

Türkiye's defence-industrial capabilities and institutional military experience, Pakistan's military-strategic capacity, and Saudi Arabia's economic and geopolitical weight theoretically constitute complementary strategic assets. Accordingly, the most significant potential contribution of the Mecca Agreement lies not simply in the aggregation of national capabilities, but in the creation of a combined strategic capability.

The long-term significance of the Agreement, however, will ultimately be determined by implementation rather than by the language of the document alone. The extent to which the three states harmonise their threat perceptions, clarify the political meaning of their mutual commitments, develop crisis-management mechanisms, and institutionalise defence diplomacy will determine whether the Agreement becomes an enduring component of the regional security architecture.

It is therefore premature to characterise the Mecca Agreement as the establishment of a new military bloc comparable to NATO. A more analytically precise interpretation is to conceptualise it as an emerging multilayered mechanism of defence diplomacy and collective deterrence connecting Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan.

If political commitments are successfully transformed into sustainable institutional cooperation, the Mecca Agreement could ultimately influence not only bilateral and trilateral relations among the participating states but also the broader security architecture connecting the Middle East, the Gulf, and South Asia. In this sense, its strategic significance may lie in the emergence of a security framework in which defence diplomacy serves as the institutional bridge between national military capabilities and collective deterrence.

References

Cottey, A., & Forster, A. (2004). Reshaping Defence Diplomacy: New Roles for Military Cooperation and Assistance. Oxford University Press for the International Institute for Strategic Studies.

Freedman, L. (2004). Deterrence. Polity Press.

George, A. L., & Smoke, R. (1974). Deterrence in American Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice. Columbia University Press.

Jervis, R. (1976). Perception and Misperception in International Politics. Princeton University Press.

Morgan, P. M. (2003). Deterrence Now. Cambridge University Press.

Schelling, T. C. (1966). Arms and Influence. Yale University Press.

Saudi Press Agency. (2025, September 17). HRH the Crown Prince, Pakistan Prime Minister Hold Official Talks, Sign Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement.

Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation. (2025, September 17). Pakistan, Saudi Arabia Sign Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement.

Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2026, June 21). Joint Statement of the R4 Following the Fourth Consultative Meeting of the Foreign Ministers.

Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2026, July 23). Joint Statement by the Foreign Ministers of Türkiye, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.

Associated Press. (2026, August 7). Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan Have Signed a Key Defense Agreement.

The Guardian. (2026, August 7). Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey Sign NATO-style Defence Pact.

Brussels policymakers keep reaching for border deals. The bigger lever might be sitting in Africa’s beaches, wildlife parks, and heritage sites — largely unbuilt.

The migration debate in Brussels has calcified into a familiar loop: naval patrols, deportation agreements, and border walls dressed up as “partnerships.” What rarely makes it into the communiqués is a quieter policy lever — tourism.

Africa holds roughly a fifth of the world’s landmass, some of its most biodiverse ecosystems, and a coastline longer than any other continent’s. Yet the numbers show just how much room there is to grow: the continent drew about 81 million international visitors in 2025 — an 8% jump that made it the fastest-growing tourism region on Earth, according to UN Tourism figures. Compare that to Europe’s 747 million arrivals in 2024 alone, and the scale of the gap becomes obvious. Tourism now contributes roughly $211 billion to African GDP, or about 7.8% of total output, per the World Travel & Tourism Council — meaningful, but still a fraction of what a fully built-out sector could generate. Close that gap, the argument goes, and you don’t just build hotels — you build jobs, currency inflows, and a reason to stay.

The Case for It

Tourism is labor-intensive and low-skill-accessible in ways manufacturing rarely is at scale. A single resort or safari lodge can employ guides, drivers, cooks, and craftspeople with minimal upfront training — precisely the demographic most likely to attempt the Mediterranean crossing. Morocco and Rwanda are often cited as proof of concept. Morocco alone pulled in roughly 17.4 million visitors in 2024, climbing toward 20 million in 2025 — a 14% year-on-year rise driven by deliberate government investment, according to its tourism ministry. In Tanzania, tourism accounts for close to 17% of GDP and ranks as one of the country’s top foreign-exchange earners; in Kenya it’s about 7%, and in Egypt roughly 8.5%, per industry data compiled by ACCA. Across the continent as a whole, tourism’s GDP share climbed from 5.9% in 2022 to 6.8% in 2023 — a trajectory advocates point to as evidence the sector is still accelerating, not plateauing.

There’s also a geopolitical logic European leaders find appealing. Tourism investment can be framed as partnership rather than charity — hotel chains, airlines, and infrastructure funds, not aid budgets. It’s the kind of thing that plays well domestically in donor countries too: “we’re building your economy,” not “we’re paying you off.”

And unlike industrial development, tourism doesn’t require decades of manufacturing base-building. A coastline, a heritage site, or a national park can be “product-ready” faster than a factory can.

The Holes in the Theory

Critics — and there are many — point out that tourism jobs are notoriously seasonal, low-wage, and concentrated in a handful of coastal or safari-adjacent regions, doing little for the landlocked interior where much outmigration originates. Sahel states like Mali and Niger, key transit and origin points, have essentially no tourism potential to speak of, war and instability having seen to that. Frontex’s own 2025 data underscores the mismatch: on the West African crossing route to the Canary Islands, the nationals most frequently detected were from Mali, Senegal, and Guinea — states where tourism, whatever its national GDP contribution, has barely touched the rural and inland communities these migrants are leaving. That route did see arrivals fall by nearly 60% in 2025, but Frontex attributes the drop mainly to tougher enforcement in Mauritania, Morocco, and Senegal, not to any improvement in local economic prospects.

There’s a deeper structural critique too: migration scholars have long argued that development doesn’t reduce emigration in the short-to-medium term — it increases it. Rising incomes give people the capital to attempt the journey they couldn’t previously afford. The “migration hump” is a well-documented phenomenon; a bump in GDP per capita in a mid-income-transition country often precedes a spike in emigration, not a decline. Tourism revenue, unless captured by a broad enough swath of the population, risks doing exactly this — funding the smugglers’ fees rather than replacing the motive to pay them.

Then there’s the security question: tourism is exceptionally fragile to instability. A single attack, coup, or health scare (see: Kenya post-2013 Westgate, or the entire continent post-COVID) can gut arrival numbers overnight, reversing years of employment gains.

What Brussels Actually Wants

None of this means tourism investment is worthless as policy — it means it’s not a silver bullet, and treating it as one risks the same disappointment that followed the EU’s earlier “root causes” aid strategies. The more sober read: tourism development is a useful component of a broader industrialization and job-creation push, most effective in politically stable coastal states, and nearly irrelevant in the Sahel corridor where the crisis is most acute.

The EU’s own Global Gateway initiative has quietly started funding tourism infrastructure alongside energy and transport projects — a sign the idea has some institutional traction. But the honest framing isn’t “tourism will stop the boats.” It’s “tourism is one lever among many, and not the one aimed at where the boats actually launch from.”

The administration of US President Donald Trump paid around $100 billion to in “Liberation Day” tariffs to businesses after US Supreme Court in February declared those tariffs unlawful and outside of Trump’s powers.

The sum paid back by Trump’s administration to businesses through customs officials constitutes approximately 60% of tariffs collected as part of the “Liberation Day” initiative. Financial times report that so far around $165 billion (€143bn) were collected through the mechanism.

Despite this, the question of return of other funds remains open. For example, almost $29bn are under review while $1.6bn (€1.4bn) are yet to be processed, because importers did not submit the necessary banking details. This follows the launch of a special website in April 2026, where businesses can apply for a refund on tariffs imposed by Trump.

Previously the US Supreme Court ruled that the tariffs imposed by Trump were unlawful. He used the 1977 Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), a law which allows the US President in case of emergencies to take measures to regulate trade. According to Court’s ruling, the law does not give Trump the powers to impose tariffs. This right remains in the hands of US Congress.

But this does not stop Trump from imposing new tariffs, for example a recent 50% one against Canada. He continues to search for loopholes in the law as well as other measures that might be used to uphold his vision.

Event overview and arrival

The international event will begin with the arrival and accommodation of participating horses from 1 to 3 September, transforming the Peelbergen Equestrian Centre into a gathering place for the world's finest Akhal-Teke horses and their owners.

World Beauty Championship begins

On Friday, 4 September, visitors will witness the first stages of the World Beauty Championship, where young horses and mares aged one to four years will compete before an expert international jury. The day will also feature an exciting dressage competition demonstrating the grace, discipline, and athleticism for which the breed is renowned. At the same time, academics, breeders, and equestrian specialists will convene in Venray for the International Scientific and Practical Conference,“Akhal-Teke Horse: The Turkmen Art of World-Class Horse Breeding,” highlighting the historical, cultural, and scientific dimensions of Akhal-Teke breeding.

Main championship day

The highlight of the championship will take place on Saturday, 5 September. High-level guests will be welcomed to Peelbergen before attending the open conference of the International Akhal-Teke Horse Breeding Association. Visitors will also have the opportunity to explore a special exhibition dedicated to Turkmen equestrian art, culture, artistic creativity, and the European horse industry.

The excitement will continue with the beauty competition for adult horses, followed by the selection of the World Champion Akhal-Teke Horse among the winners of all categories. Another crowd favorite, the Best Decorated Horse Competition, will showcase the artistry and traditions associated with the breed.

During the afternoon, spectators will enjoy a thrilling show-jumping competition that will demonstrate the remarkable versatility and sporting abilities of the Akhal-Teke horse. The championship celebrations will culminate in a prestigious awards ceremony honoring the winners of the beauty and sporting competitions, as well as artists, sculptors, painters, and carpet weavers who have captured the beauty of horses through their creative works.

The evening gala dinner promises to be a memorable occasion, bringing together international guests in a festive atmosphere accompanied by performances from distinguished masters of Turkmen culture and arts. The event will offer a unique opportunity to experience the richness of Turkmen traditions while celebrating excellence in the equestrian world.

Final day and closing

The championship will conclude on Sunday, 6 September with cultural performances and the closing of the exhibition, leaving visitors with a deeper appreciation of the extraordinary relationship between culture, history, and horse breeding. More than a competition, the World Beauty Championship and Equestrian Sports Competition among the Heavenly Akhal-Teke Horses is a global celebration of heritage, sport, science, and intercultural dialogue. Whether you are an equestrian professional, a horse lover, a cultural enthusiast, or simply seeking an unforgettable international experience, Kronenberg will be the place to be in September 2026. Join us and discover the timeless elegance of the legendary Akhal-Teke horse.

Entry for all visitors is free. The venue is Peelbergen Equestrian Centre, Travers 5, 5976 NJ Kronenberg, Netherlands. Registration, tickets, and media accreditation: peelbergen.eu | csi@peelbergen.eu | +31 (0) 6 38273834.

S.N.: Over the past two decades, Kazakhstan has fundamentally modernized its higher education system. The reforms have focused on aligning national higher education with international standards, expanding institutional autonomy, and strengthening global academic cooperation.

One of the defining milestones was Kazakhstan’s accession to the Bologna Process in 2010. This integrated the country into the European Higher Education Area and introduced a three-cycle degree structure, the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS), academic mobility, and internationally recognized mechanisms for quality assurance and qualification recognition.

Another transformative reform has been the expansion of university autonomy. Since 2018, public and state-affiliated universities have gained broad academic independence, allowing them to design educational programmes, modernize curricula, respond more quickly to labour market demands, and pursue their own institutional development strategies.

Internationalization has become another key pillar of Kazakhstan’s higher education policy. Today, Kazakhstan is positioning itself as an emerging academic hub for Central Asia. As of the first half of 2026, more than 37,000 international students are studying at Kazakhstani universities. Institutions now offer 484 degree programmes in English, around 70 joint academic programmes, and 190 dual-degree programmes, creating greater opportunities for international collaboration and student mobility.

A particularly important development has been the establishment of partnerships with leading international universities. Following the President’s initiative launched in 2022, Kazakhstan significantly accelerated the attraction of world-class universities. Today, 33 foreign universities from 12 countries operate in Kazakhstan through various partnership models. These collaborations strengthen research capacity, introduce international educational standards, facilitate knowledge transfer, and expand opportunities for students and faculty.

At the regional level, Kazakhstan is also advancing the vision of a Central Asian Higher Education Area, aimed at promoting academic mobility, research collaboration, and closer integration among the region’s universities. This objective is reflected in the Concept for the Development of Higher Education and Science through 2029.

Taken together, these reforms have enhanced the quality, accessibility, and international competitiveness of Kazakhstan’s higher education system, while laying the foundation for the country’s ambition to become the leading academic and research hub of Central Asia.

A.T.: The Government of Kazakhstan has identified the development of research universities as one of its national priorities. What key programmes and funding mechanisms have been introduced to strengthen scientific research, promote innovation, and enhance the global competitiveness of Kazakhstan’s universities alongside the world’s leading research institutions?

S.N.: Developing research universities is one of Kazakhstan’s strategic priorities, as we see universities not only as educational institutions but also as drivers of scientific discovery, technological innovation, and economic growth.

To support this transformation, Kazakhstan has established a multi-channel research funding system based on three complementary mechanisms: basic funding, which ensures the sustainability of research institutions and scientific infrastructure; competitive grant funding, which supports high-quality research selected through independent peer review; and programme-targeted funding, which addresses national strategic priorities through large-scale research initiatives.

At the same time, we are strengthening the role of universities as research centres. Higher education institutions are expanding modern laboratories and research infrastructure, increasing interdisciplinary research, and developing stronger partnerships with industry so that scientific knowledge is translated into practical technologies and innovative products.

International cooperation is another key component of our strategy. Kazakhstani universities are actively implementing joint research projects with leading international universities and research organisations, participating in global scientific programmes, and expanding opportunities for researcher mobility. These partnerships facilitate knowledge exchange, improve research quality, and increase the international visibility of Kazakhstan’s science.

Equally important is our focus on nurturing the next generation of scientists. We are creating new opportunities for young researchers through targeted grant programmes, doctoral training, international internships, and career development initiatives designed to retain talented researchers within the national scientific ecosystem.

Finally, we are placing growing emphasis on the commercialization of research. Our objective is to ensure that scientific discoveries move beyond academic publications and become innovative solutions that contribute to industrial modernization, technological development, and sustainable economic growth.

Taken together, these measures are helping Kazakhstan build a modern research university ecosystem that is increasingly integrated into the global scientific community and capable of competing with leading

A.T.: Digital technologies are transforming not only teaching and learning but also the governance of universities. How are innovative technologies—including digital administration, data-driven decision-making, and the concept of the smart campus—being integrated into university governance, research, and the educational process in Kazakhstan?

S.N.: Digital transformation is reshaping every aspect of higher education in Kazakhstan—from university governance and research management to teaching and student services. Our objective is not simply to introduce new technologies, but to create a modern digital ecosystem that enables universities to operate more efficiently, make evidence-based decisions, and deliver a better educational experience.

The Concept for the Development of Higher Education and Science for 2023–2029 identifies digital transformation as one of the key drivers of modernization. Universities are gradually introducing integrated digital management systems that support admissions, academic records, quality assurance, financial management, and student services through unified digital platforms. These solutions improve administrative efficiency, increase transparency, and provide university leaders with real-time data for strategic decision-making.

The concept of the Smart Campus is also gaining momentum. Universities are implementing intelligent digital infrastructure that integrates learning environments, research facilities, campus services, and resource management into a single digital ecosystem. Smart technologies help optimize the use of university facilities, improve energy efficiency, enhance campus safety, and create a more comfortable environment for students and staff.

Digital technologies are equally transforming education and research. Universities are expanding the use of virtual and augmented reality, digital laboratories, simulation technologies, adaptive learning platforms, and AI-assisted educational tools that enable students to develop both theoretical knowledge and practical competencies in a more interactive learning environment.

Recognizing the growing importance of artificial intelligence, the Ministry approved the Inter-University Standard on the Application of Artificial Intelligence in Higher and Postgraduate Education in 2024. The Standard establishes common principles for the responsible use of AI in education and recommends the core content of the course Fundamentals of Artificial Intelligence. In parallel, the Ministry adopted a Roadmap for AI Talent Development in Higher Education Institutions, which provides a strategic framework for integrating AI into teaching, research, and university management.

Ultimately, digital transformation is not an end in itself. It is a strategic instrument for improving the quality of education, strengthening research performance, enhancing institutional governance, and preparing universities for the rapidly evolving knowledge economy.

A.T.: Digital technologies are changing not only how students learn but also how universities are managed. How are innovative technologies – including digital administration, data-driven decision-making, and smart campus solutions – being integrated into university governance, research, and teaching across Kazakhstan?

S.N.: Kazakhstan has approached digitalisation not simply as the introduction of individual electronic services, but as the development of a new model of higher education governance. We were among the first countries in Central Asia to begin building an integrated digital ecosystem for higher education at the national level.

At the heart of this transformation is the Unified Higher Education Platform (EPVO). More than a database, EPVO serves as a national digital governance platform, bringing together information on universities, academic programmes, students, faculty, research, infrastructure, and other key performance indicators. Through integration with other government information systems, it enables evidence-based policymaking, improves the quality of public services, supports workforce planning, and enhances transparency across the higher education sector.

A similar transformation is taking place within universities themselves. Institutions are increasingly adopting AI-Enabled University and Smart Campus models that connect academic management systems, learning platforms, digital libraries, student services, research infrastructure, dormitories, access control, and campus operations within a single digital environment. University leaders are making greater use of real-time dashboards and advanced analytics to monitor academic performance, allocate resources more effectively, strengthen quality assurance, and provide targeted support to students.

Digital technologies are also transforming teaching and research. Universities are expanding hybrid and flexible learning formats, integrating international online courses, and developing digital educational resources that broaden access to high-quality education. At the same time, the Digital Science Portal has digitalised the entire research funding cycle—from grant applications and expert evaluation to project monitoring and the dissemination of research results—making research management more transparent, efficient, and accountable.

Ultimately, our objective is not digitalisation for its own sake. It is to create a modern, data-driven higher education system in which governance is more effective, research is better connected to national priorities, and educational services are designed around the needs of students, researchers, and society.

A.T.: Kazakhstan has gained significant experience in distance learning, particularly in recent years. How has online education evolved in the country, what are the key lessons learned from its implementation, and what role do you believe distance learning should play in expanding access to higher education for students living in remote regions of the country?

S.N.: The rapid expansion of distance learning over recent years has fundamentally changed the way we think about higher education. What initially emerged as a necessary response to extraordinary circumstances has evolved into an important component of a more flexible and inclusive education system.

Today, Kazakhstan’s legislation allows higher education programmes to be delivered through different modes of study, including online learning. Universities have accumulated considerable experience in designing digital courses, using modern learning management systems, developing online assessment methods, and providing academic support through digital platforms.

One of the most important lessons has been that technology alone does not guarantee quality. Effective online education depends on well-designed curricula, qualified academic staff, reliable digital infrastructure, and continuous interaction between students and instructors. These factors have become central to our approach to further developing digital education.

Distance learning also plays an important role in expanding educational opportunities. For students living in remote regions, people combining work with higher education, and lifelong learners seeking new qualifications, online education offers greater flexibility and access without compromising academic standards. At the same time, programmes requiring extensive laboratory work, clinical practice, or hands-on training continue to rely primarily on face-to-face instruction or blended learning models.

Looking ahead, we see distance learning not as a substitute for traditional university education, but as a complementary format within a modern higher education system. By combining digital technologies with high academic standards, universities can broaden access, strengthen lifelong learning, and ensure that quality higher education is available regardless of a student’s place of residence.

A.T.: Artificial intelligence is rapidly transforming education systems worldwide. How is Kazakhstan preparing its universities for the AI era? In your view, what opportunities does AI offer for improving teaching, research and student learning? How is the Ministry addressing issues of academic integrity, ethics and the development of digital competencies required for the workforce of the future?

S.N.: We believe that artificial intelligence is becoming a general-purpose technology that will transform every sector of the economy. Our task is therefore not only to prepare AI specialists, but to ensure that every university graduate possesses the knowledge and competencies required to work effectively alongside AI.

To achieve this, Kazakhstan has introduced a series of systemic reforms. Amendments to the State Mandatory Standard for Higher Education, adopted in 2024 and further strengthened in 2025, require all higher education programmes to include learning outcomes related to the application of artificial intelligence in professional practice. As a result, every university has revised its curricula to integrate AI either through dedicated courses or within discipline-specific subjects.

Alongside this system-wide approach, universities are expanding specialised AI education. Today, 32 universities offer 44 AI-focused academic programmes in areas such as machine learning, data analytics, intelligent engineering systems, healthcare, transport, cybersecurity, and business. These programmes are currently attended by 2,196 students, including 2,091 bachelor’s, 82 master’s, and 23 doctoral students. To ensure that graduates possess skills aligned with labour market needs, Kazakhstan has also developed 43 professional standards for the IT sector.

International cooperation is another essential element of our strategy. We are working with OpenAI, Coursera, NVIDIA, Google, Microsoft, Huawei, and other global partners to provide our universities with access to advanced technologies, educational content, research infrastructure, and international expertise. Kazakhstan also became the first country in Central Asia to launch the large-scale implementation of ChatGPT Edu, providing 165,000 licences to universities for students, faculty, researchers, and staff.

Artificial intelligence is also opening new opportunities for higher education itself. AI enables more personalised learning, supports adaptive educational pathways, assists faculty in developing educational content, accelerates scientific research through advanced data analysis, and helps universities make more informed, evidence-based decisions. Across the country, universities are establishing specialised AI research centres, laboratories, and centres of excellence that contribute to both fundamental research and practical innovation.

At the same time, technological progress must be accompanied by responsible governance. In 2024, the Ministry approved the Inter-University Standard on the Application of Artificial Intelligence in Higher and Postgraduate Education, which establishes common principles for the ethical, transparent, and responsible use of AI in teaching and learning. Our approach is not to prohibit generative AI, but to teach students and faculty how to use it responsibly, while upholding academic integrity, protecting personal data, ensuring proper attribution, and strengthening critical and independent thinking.

Ultimately, we see artificial intelligence not simply as another digital tool, but as a catalyst for transforming higher education. By combining modern regulation, international partnerships, advanced research, and investment in human capital, Kazakhstan is building an AI-ready higher education system capable of preparing graduates for the opportunities and challenges of the future economy.

A.T.: Artificial intelligence is rapidly reshaping education worldwide. How is Kazakhstan preparing its universities for the AI era? What opportunities do you see for AI to enhance teaching, research, and student learning, and how is the Ministry addressing challenges such as academic integrity, ethics, and the development of digital skills for the workforce of the future?

S.N.: Kazakhstan is preparing for the AI era through a coherent national strategy rather than a collection of isolated initiatives. Our objective is not only to train AI specialists, but to ensure that every graduate is able to work effectively, responsibly, and creatively in an AI-enabled world.

The first pillar of this strategy is the AI-Sana programme. In Kazakh, sana means consciousness and intellect, reflecting our belief that AI education should develop critical thinking alongside technical skills. Through AI-Sana, nearly 700,000 foundational AI-learning certificates have already been awarded, while more than 100,000 students have progressed to advanced training in AI programming and technology entrepreneurship. Universities have also developed 442 AI solutions, including AI agents, many of which are now entering pilot implementation in partnership with industry.

The second pillar is the AI+X model, which integrates artificial intelligence across all academic disciplines—not only computer science, but also engineering, medicine, agriculture, transport, energy, economics, and the social sciences. We believe that in the future, AI literacy will become a core professional competency regardless of a graduate’s field of study.

A flagship initiative within this transformation is QAIRU, Kazakhstan’s new national research university dedicated to artificial intelligence. It is being established as a model AI-Enabled University, where AI will be embedded across education, research, innovation, and institutional governance. At the same time, our ambition extends well beyond a single institution. We want every university in Kazakhstan to progressively adopt the AI-Enabled University model.

Artificial intelligence is already creating new opportunities across higher education. It enables more personalised learning, supports faculty in developing educational content and monitoring student progress, accelerates scientific research through advanced data analysis, and reduces routine administrative tasks, allowing academics to focus on teaching, mentoring, and innovation. However, we firmly believe that AI should support – not replace – human judgement in both academic and institutional decision-making.

To create an enabling environment, AI competencies have been incorporated into the State Compulsory Standard for Higher Education, while an Inter-University Standard provides common methodological and ethical principles for integrating AI into teaching and learning. In parallel, the Academic Integrity League has developed practical guidance on the responsible use of generative AI in academic work.

International cooperation is another essential element of our strategy. We are working with OpenAI, Coursera, NVIDIA, Google, Microsoft, Huawei, and other global partners to provide our universities with access to advanced technologies, educational content, research infrastructure, and international expertise. Kazakhstan also became the first country in Central Asia to launch large-scale implementation of ChatGPT Edu, providing 165,000 licences to universities for students, faculty, researchers, and staff.

Ultimately, our approach is not centred on regulating technology, but on preparing people. The universities that will succeed in the AI era are those that combine technological excellence with academic integrity, ethical leadership, creativity, and critical thinking. This is the vision that guides Kazakhstan’s higher education policy today.

Cooperation

A.T.: Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan have long enjoyed close cooperation in higher education and science. How do you assess the current state of this partnership, and what opportunities do you see for expanding collaboration in the years ahead?

S.N.: Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan enjoy a close and trusted partnership built on strong historical ties and shared strategic interests. Higher education and science have become one of the most dynamic areas of our bilateral cooperation, and we see significant opportunities to deepen this partnership further.

Our cooperation is supported by a solid legal framework and regular dialogue between the two ministries. Beyond formal agreements, however, the real value of this partnership lies in the growing collaboration between our universities, researchers, and students.

Academic mobility remains one of its strongest pillars. Under our bilateral arrangements, the two countries exchange students at the bachelor’s, master’s, doctoral, and medical education levels. Following recent amendments to our intergovernmental agreement, the number of government-funded scholarships has increased to 12 places annually, with a focus on priority disciplines such as information and communication technologies, engineering, agriculture, healthcare, business, and the humanities.

University-to-university cooperation is also expanding steadily. Today, 40 universities in Kazakhstan and 36 universities in Azerbaijan are connected through 79 cooperation agreements covering joint educational programmes, academic mobility, collaborative research, professional development for faculty, and the co-development of educational materials. These partnerships create long-term institutional links and contribute to the internationalisation of higher education in both countries.

Research collaboration is becoming an increasingly important dimension of our partnership. A notable example is the Azerbaijan–Kazakhstan Research and Education Centre, established in 2024 at the Baku Higher Oil School in cooperation with the Safi Utebayev Atyrau University of Oil and Gas. The Centre brings together researchers from both countries to work on energy technologies, digital solutions, the environmental sustainability of the Caspian Sea, and carbon reduction—areas that are of strategic importance for the region.

People-to-people ties are equally important. In 2024, 222 Azerbaijani students were enrolled at Kazakhstani universities, while Azerbaijani scholars continue to teach and conduct research in Kazakhstan, strengthening academic networks and promoting the exchange of knowledge and expertise.

Looking ahead, we see considerable potential to expand cooperation in emerging fields such as artificial intelligence, digital technologies, green energy, biotechnology, and advanced engineering. As two countries committed to developing knowledge-based economies, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan can achieve even greater results through joint research, innovation, and talent development. We view our partnership not only as bilateral cooperation, but also as an important contribution to strengthening scientific and educational connectivity across the wider Caspian and Central Asian region.

A.T.: As Kazakhstan continues to modernise its higher education system through digital transformation and innovation, and Azerbaijan is pursuing similar educational reforms, what opportunities do you see for the two countries to work together in developing AI-based education, distance learning, and joint research centres? Could Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan become regional leaders in educational innovation for the wider Turkic world through closer academic cooperation?

S.N.: Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan have excellent opportunities to deepen cooperation in AI-based education, digital learning, and applied research. Importantly, we are building on an already strong foundation. Our universities maintain active partnerships through bilateral agreements, academic mobility, joint educational programmes, and collaborative research initiatives. During the recent Study in Kazakhstan exhibition in Baku, around 40 new cooperation agreements were signed, while our two countries continue to exchange 12 government-funded scholarships annually.

The next stage of cooperation should focus on artificial intelligence. Kazakhstan is implementing initiatives such as AI-Sana, AI+X curricula, and the AI-Enabled University model, while Azerbaijan is actively developing its own AI ecosystem and digital education initiatives. These complementary strengths create opportunities to jointly develop educational content, train faculty, establish shared online courses, and build international research and student teams.

There is also significant potential for joint research and innovation in areas of strategic importance to both countries, including energy, transport and logistics, agriculture, cybersecurity, digital public services, and language technologies. Rather than creating entirely new institutions, we can achieve faster progress by connecting existing laboratories, research centres, and innovation ecosystems, enabling researchers to share expertise, data, and technological solutions.

Regional cooperation platforms, including the Turkic Universities Union and the Turkic Academy, provide an excellent foundation for expanding successful bilateral initiatives into broader multilateral projects involving universities across the Turkic world. Such networks can accelerate academic mobility, collaborative research, and the exchange of best practices in digital education and artificial intelligence.

I believe Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan are well positioned to become important drivers of educational innovation in the Turkic world. Both countries are investing in higher education, digital transformation, and research, while sharing a common commitment to developing knowledge-based economies. By working together, we can build stronger academic networks, develop internationally competitive research, and create new opportunities for students, researchers, and innovators across our region.

For Kazakhstan, this vision is closely linked to our broader ambition of becoming a leading academic and research hub for Central Eurasia. Closer cooperation with Azerbaijan will not only strengthen our bilateral partnership but also contribute to a more integrated, innovative, and globally connected higher education and research area across the wider Turkic region.

During an overnight attack on Wednesday which took the life of at least 17 people, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy urged his country’s allies to provide more anti-air weaponry as no Russian ballistic missiles could be intercepted. Russia targeted the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv.

According to a report by Ukrainian Air Forces the attack consisted of 115 drones and 28 missiles, a part of which were ballistic ones. President Zelenskyy gave details about the damage done through a post on social media. He said that the attack mainly targeted warehouses in Kyiv and surrounding region which belong to civilian enterprises. Railway infrastructure was also attacked.

So far 17 people were confirmed dead, with 44 wounded. The highest number of casualties was recorded in Brovary – a suburb to the west of Kyiv. There, people who remained on the railway platform as their train was delayed, when a Russian missile struck, killing 8 civilians.

Zelenskyy called for the international partners of Ukraine to provide his countries with anti-ballistic missiles to prevent such tragedies to happen again and to defend the civilian infrastructure against Russian attacks.

Prime Minister of Ukraine Sergii Koretskyi announced that the government will organize meetings with representatives of businesses to discuss how the state can help them and how to mitigate the aftermath of attacks.

President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s state visit to Kyrgyzstan may mark the beginning of a new stage in Uzbekistan–Kyrgyzstan relations. The summit’s principal outcome was the signing of the Treaty on Allied Relations, which is intended to place bilateral cooperation on a more systematic and long-term foundation.

Strong economic fundamentals are essential for any allied relationship. In recent years, bilateral trade has grown steadily, reaching $1.2 billion in 2025, reflecting a positive trend. The two countries have now set an ambitious target of increasing this figure to $3 billion. Achieving this goal will require the implementation of new joint projects in industry, energy, agriculture, and other key sectors.

The transport sector could become a major driver of deeper cooperation. The China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway is expected to significantly expand regional trade and transit opportunities. In the water and energy sector, the parties also reached agreements on the efficient management of transboundary water resources and reaffirmed their commitment to continuing cooperation on the Kambarata Hydropower Plant project.

Overall, the summit once again confirmed the steady progress of Uzbekistan–Kyrgyzstan relations. The agreements signed demonstrate both countries’ readiness to strengthen economic ties, improve transport connectivity, and expand practical cooperation across the region.

The Treaty on Allied Relations, signed in Cholpon-Ata, is likely to reinvigorate discussions about a new stage of interstate cooperation in Central Asia. If the current trend of growing mutual trust and economic interdependence continues, it is entirely possible that even deeper forms of regional cooperation will emerge in the future.

Mukhtor Nazirov, Expert on Central Asian Affairs and International Politics (PhD, Associate Professor)

These are not merely infrastructure projects. They represent a serious attempt to transform Kazakhstan from a transit corridor into an active logistics hub in Eurasia. The real question is no longer “Will the roads be built?” but “Does Kazakhstan have the capacity to build a system capable of sustainable competition?”

Geography Turns into Numbers: What Lies Behind the Aral–Caspian Highway

The new roads fill an important land gap by facilitating east–west movement within Kazakhstan itself, after historical networks had long favored a north–south orientation. They complement rather than replace the railways. Progress continues on lines such as Moyynty–Kyzylzhar and Darbaza–Maktaaral (expected this year) and Bakhty–Ayagoz (2027), while capacity expansions proceed at Aktau and Kuryk. Road transport has already doubled in five years, with revenues approaching those of the railways—evidence that the sector has become a genuine growth driver.

The Middle Corridor: Forced Alternative or Sustainable Choice?

The Middle Corridor (TITR) is no longer secondary. After the war in Ukraine and Western sanctions on Russia, global companies shifted away from the Northern Corridor. Volumes rose from under one million tons a few years ago to around 4.1–4.5 million tons in 2024–2025, with containers reaching approximately 77,000 TEU in 2025. The target is 300,000 TEU by 2029.

Its decisive competitive edge is time. Shipments can reach Europe in roughly 15–18 days (sometimes cited in the 12–25-day range depending on the segment), compared with 35–60 days by sea via Suez or the longer Cape of Good Hope route. For time-sensitive or higher-value cargo, this advantage often outweighs the higher per-unit cost and multimodal complexity.

Yet comparisons remain sobering. The Northern Corridor still carries several times the volume. Maritime routes remain cheaper for bulk. The Middle Corridor suffers from multiple borders and mode changes, port bottlenecks in Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Georgia, and coordination challenges.

China supports the route as useful diversification within the Belt and Road framework and has invested in facilities such as the Aktau container hub, while carefully balancing ties with Moscow. Russia views the corridor’s growth warily: it weakens a long-standing source of leverage over east–west overland trade. Moscow responds by deepening the North–South Corridor, expanding bilateral transit with Kazakhstan, and seeking to co-opt rather than openly block Caspian capacity. Turkey, as the western terminus, actively promotes the corridor through bilateral agreements with Astana, trilateral coordination with Azerbaijan and Georgia, and its broader connectivity ambitions. The European Union has elevated the route within its Global Gateway strategy, committing substantial financing—including packages exceeding several hundred million dollars and broader multi-billion-euro frameworks—for roads, railways, ports and digital systems, viewing it as essential for supply-chain resilience and access to critical raw materials.

Nature’s Obstacles and Political Calculations: Challenges Before 2029

The declining level of the Caspian Sea—more than half a meter in five years—has already cut vessel loads to 75–80 percent of capacity at Aktau and Kuryk. Continuous dredging is required: Kuryk has been deepened to 7–8 meters, and major works at Aktau aim for 6–7 meters by the end of 2026. Longer-term adaptation will demand shallow-draft vessels, quay modifications and recurring costs shared with Azerbaijan. These are not temporary inconveniences; they represent structural expenses that must be factored into competitiveness.

Other risks persist. Heavy reliance on Chinese transit volumes means any slowdown in China immediately affects throughput. Regional competition, especially from Uzbekistan, is real. Digitalization and unified customs procedures still require deeper cross-border coordination. Major infrastructure projects in the region frequently face delays or cost overruns.

Two scenarios remain plausible. The optimistic path assumes completion by 2029, successful digitalization, tighter coordination with Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey, sustained geopolitical demand for alternatives, and effective management of Caspian constraints. In that case the corridor could surpass ten million tons before the decade ends and become a primary rather than residual option. The cautious path assumes persistent bottlenecks, slower investment, and coordination failures—leaving Kazakhstan an important but not leading hub.

Given the visible political will in Astana, the multi-vector support from China, the EU, Turkey and international lenders, and the concrete progress on roads, rail and ports, the balance of evidence currently tilts toward the more optimistic trajectory—provided execution stays disciplined.

The decisive indicators to watch are actual volumes on the Aral–Caspian route after opening, real end-to-end transit times, utilization rates at Aktau and Kuryk, modernization of customs crossings by 2027, and the ability to attract value-added logistics services beyond pure transit.

Kazakhstan is not merely laying asphalt. It is betting that geography, backed by political determination and diversified partnerships, can reshape Eurasian trade maps. Between today and 2029 the answer will become clear: whether the country converts its position into a lasting competitive advantage or remains primarily a transit corridor on the global map.

As the event’s official Media Partner, The Gulf Observer will provide extensive media coverage and international promotion of the event, highlighting the diversity of cultures, artistic excellence, and creative collaborations featured during the festival.

The collaboration reflects a shared vision between The Gulf Observer and Niftysphere Institute of Arts & Design to encourage intercultural dialogue, support artistic innovation, and build meaningful international connections through the universal language of culture and creativity.

Organizers said the partnership will enhance the global visibility of Cultural Colors – Season 5, providing audiences with comprehensive coverage of the event and its mission to celebrate cultural diversity and strengthen international friendship.

Held under the theme “Celebrating Culture. Inspiring Unity. Connecting Nations,” Cultural Colors – Season 5 aims to bring together artists, designers, cultural ambassadors, and creative professionals from around the world, reinforcing the role of art and culture as powerful instruments of unity and mutual understanding.

The next session of the Halk Maslahaty will take place on September 23, 2026, at the Maslahat Palace in Ashgabat and is of great political importance. Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov highlighted the significance of the Halk Maslahaty as a forum to reflect on the country’s progress, prioritize the future agenda and enhance the communication between the state and society.

Continuity in national development

One of the key points in National Leader's speech was his focus on continuity in the development of the nation. His call to speed up the implementation of the National Program for Socioeconomic Development of Turkmenistan (2022-2052) and the Presidential Program for Socioeconomic Development (2022-2028) indicates the long-term governance philosophy and approach for sustainable growth. These priorities, such as industrial modernization, investments in cutting-edge production facilities, job creation, expanding healthcare services, reforming the education system, empowering youth, ensuring food security, and technological innovation, reflect a harmonious strategy for enhancing the country's economic resilience and the well-being of its people.

Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov also made note of the importance of institutional coordination. He urged the Mejlis (Parliament), Cabinet of Ministers and regional administrations to join forces, emphasizing the need for unity of purpose and efficient implementation to ensure effective governance. The constitution of a specialized Organizing Committee and well-defined roles of national and local institutions reflect a clear administrative framework for transparency and efficiency in organizing the upcoming national forum.

As well, the Halk Maslahaty's role as an instrument for participatory governance was being increasingly pointed out in the speech. Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov pointed out that it is important for the institution to be actively interacting with citizens, taking into account their proposals, further developing regional councils, and involving political parties, public organizations, academics and media in the dissemination of the importance of national policies. The approach is a developing governance model which aims at strengthening democracy and ensuring social cohesion and national unity.

Recognition of outstanding citizens

The National Leader's commitment to human capital is another positive aspect of his vision. Appointment by the State of honorary decorations and titles for outstanding citizens reflects the State's recognition of professional excellence and public service. This recognition not only celebrates individual success but also fosters a spirit of dedication, innovation, and patriotism throughout society.

Expanding parliamentary diplomacy

In addition to domestic affairs, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov gave significant importance to Turkmenistan's foreign policy. His decision to expand parliamentary diplomacy and advance the country's peaceful and humanitarian policy in international affairs is completely aligned with Turkmenistan's universal diplomacy and policy of permanent neutrality. The leadership strives to strengthen Turkmenistan's international image as a constructive and reliable partner for regional stability and cooperation, by inviting the Mejlis and public organizations to actively showcase Turkmenistan's peaceful foreign policy and its role in promoting stability and cooperation throughout the region.

The address also demonstrated the National Leader's legacy of safeguarding and promoting Turkmenistan's rich cultural heritage. The international success of Turkmen equestrian teams and the wide propagation of the famous Akhal-Teke horses in the world are examples of the importance of cultural diplomacy in the soft power of the country. Engagement in international events in Central Asia, Europe, North America and Asia ensures the cultural identity of Turkmenistan and promotes cultural exchanges between the countries.

Anniversary celebrations and medal

The celebration of 35th anniversary of independence is also not limited to the ceremonies. The special anniversary medal to be worn by those taking part in the commemorative military parade, and the numerous cultural, educational and civic events nationwide, represent an expression of respect for national service, and to increase the public's appreciation for the country's amazing achievements since independence. These programs link past accomplishments with future promises and strengthen national unity through sovereignty, neutrality and development.

The next sitting of the Halk Maslahaty should therefore turn out to be much more of a constitutional assembly. It is a forum that will evaluate national achievements, set priorities for future development and fine-tune policy directions for the years to come. Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov's leadership is characterized by a holistic approach that prioritizes sustainable economic development, institutional modernization, democratic engagement, and international cooperation, all aimed at fostering future stability and prosperity.

Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov's speech is a call to action for Turkmenistan, promising hope for the future and a positive trajectory after a pivotal moment in the country's modern history. The National Leader's vision, which integrates strategic planning and cultural preservation, effective governance, and a strong commitment to peace and neutrality, aims to not just honour the nation's successes over the last three and a half decades, but also establish a solid base for its future growth and impact within the region and beyond.

On Tuesday Migration Commissioner Magnus Brunner said that EU stands in “full solidarity” with Spain after a migrant crisis in exclave of Ceuta, adding that the incident is a test of European resilience.

He spoke of this to the reporters after an emergency meeting of EU interior ministers which was held online to discuss the incident recently happened in Spanish city of Ceuta, located in Northern Africa, when around 60,000 migrants from neighboring Morocco stormed the border and got into Spanish territory.

Another goal of the meeting was also to ease the tensions between Spain and other European countries, as the incident in Ceuta caused an wave of criticism in multiple countries, with calls to punish Spain in one way or another for letting such a big number of illegal migrants, which could potentially threaten the security in EU and Schengen area.

Brunner said that these events were a test for European resilience, which in his opinion Europe passed, as the influx of aforementioned migrants into Schengen area, and the overall situation with security in Ceuta was quickly brought into normal. The task for the EU now is to decide what can be done to prevent similar incidents to happen again in the future.

Among the measures proposed were combating the migrants smuggling networks, enhancing return procedures and bettering foresight, as well as plain reinforcing of EU borders.

Spain praised the solidarity expressed by EU for its efforts to remedy the problem as well as the efforts to prevent such crises in the future.

Matsu offers a complete range of skincare and haircare products designed to help maintain healthy-looking skin and beautiful, well-cared-for hair. From facial care to hair treatments, the collection focuses on creating a simple yet effective beauty routine with carefully formulated products and elegant textures.

I’ve tested countless skincare and haircare products over the years, but it is rare to find a collection that delivers visible results for both skin and hair at the same time. After using Matsu consistently, I began noticing real changes.

My skin became much clearer and more even. Small blemishes and pimples gradually disappeared, and my complexion looked brighter, healthier, and naturally radiant. My skin also feels deeply hydrated and smoother than before, giving me much more confidence without needing to rely on heavy makeup.

The transformation of my hair has been just as remarkable. It is now incredibly soft, silky, and full of shine. It feels healthier from root to tip, looks more vibrant, and is much easier to style every day. Instead of looking dry or dull, my hair has regained a beautiful, healthy glow.

If you compare my before-and-after photos, the difference is easy to see. My hair looks shinier, stronger, and much healthier, while my skin appears clearer, smoother, and more luminous. Seeing these results has made Matsu an essential part of my daily routine.

What I also appreciate is that these products don’t just create a temporary effect—they help my skin and hair look healthier day after day. That is exactly what I look for in quality skincare and haircare.

If you’re looking for premium beauty products in Belgium, I truly recommend discovering the Matsu collection at Maison Delphine in Brussels. For me, it has been one of the most impressive beauty discoveries I’ve made, and I can genuinely see the difference every time I look in the mirror.

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Matsu chez Maison Delphine : les meilleurs soins pour la peau et les cheveux en Belgique

Lorsqu’on me demande quelle est la meilleure découverte beauté que j’ai faite en Belgique, ma réponse est toujours la même : Matsu, disponible chez Maison Delphine à Bruxelles.

J’ai essayé de nombreuses marques de soins pour la peau et les cheveux au fil des années, mais il est rare de trouver une gamme capable d’offrir des résultats aussi visibles sur les deux à la fois. Après plusieurs semaines d’utilisation régulière, j’ai commencé à constater une véritable transformation.

Ma peau est devenue beaucoup plus nette, plus lisse et plus lumineuse. Les petits boutons et les imperfections se sont progressivement estompés, laissant place à un teint plus uniforme et éclatant. Ma peau paraît également mieux hydratée et plus douce au toucher, ce qui me permet de me sentir plus à l’aise, même avec très peu de maquillage.

Le changement est tout aussi impressionnant pour mes cheveux. Ils sont devenus incroyablement doux, soyeux et brillants. Ils semblent plus forts, plus sains et beaucoup plus faciles à coiffer. Leur aspect est plus vivant, et ils reflètent la lumière d’une manière que je n’avais pas connue depuis longtemps.

Il suffit de regarder mes photos avant/après pour constater la différence. Mes cheveux sont visiblement plus brillants et en meilleure santé, tandis que ma peau paraît plus éclatante, plus lisse et beaucoup plus nette. Ces résultats m’ont convaincue de faire de Matsu une partie essentielle de ma routine beauté.

J’apprécie également le fait que ces produits ne donnent pas seulement un bel effet immédiat. Avec une utilisation régulière, j’ai réellement l’impression que mes cheveux et ma peau deviennent plus beaux et plus sains au fil du temps.

Si vous recherchez des soins haut de gamme en Belgique qui offrent des résultats visibles, je vous recommande vivement de découvrir la gamme Matsu chez Maison Delphine à Bruxelles. C’est, pour moi, l’une des plus belles découvertes beauté que j’ai faites, et une marque que je recommande avec plaisir.

Brussels, Belgium – August 2026 – The World Tourism Forum Institute (WTFI) has officially completed the first milestone of Tourism House Brussels, a landmark initiative designed to strengthen the relationship between the global tourism industry and the European institutional ecosystem.

Located in the heart of Brussels, Tourism House will serve as a dedicated platform connecting governments, tourism boards, international organizations, investors, private sector leaders, and policymakers with the European Union's institutions and wider European stakeholder community.

Developed as a strategic initiative of the World Tourism Forum Institute, Tourism House aims to facilitate dialogue, promote international cooperation, support investment opportunities, and create stronger institutional partnerships that contribute to the sustainable growth of global tourism.

The platform will focus on five key pillars:

• Tourism Diplomacy – Strengthening international dialogue and public-private engagement.

• Strategic Partnerships – Building lasting cooperation between governments, institutions and industry leaders.

• Investment Facilitation – Promoting tourism investment opportunities across Europe and beyond.

• Destination Promotion – Providing European visibility for destinations, projects and tourism initiatives.

• Knowledge & Policy Exchange – Encouraging collaboration through forums, research and institutional dialogue.

  

Tourism House is envisioned as Europe's meeting point for tourism diplomacy, where stakeholders from every continent can engage with European institutions, develop cross-border partnerships, and expand international cooperation.

Beyond Europe, the initiative seeks to build stronger tourism bridges between continents by supporting institutional engagement, networking, and long-term collaboration between destinations, tourism organizations, and the private sector.

After six months of planning and preparation, the project has successfully completed its first official phase.

Beginning 1 November 2026, Tourism House Brussels will officially begin welcoming its guests and partners, offering a permanent platform dedicated to dialogue, cooperation, investment, and promotion within the international tourism community.

"Tourism House is more than a physical location—it is a gateway connecting the global tourism ecosystem with Europe's institutional landscape. Our vision is to create a platform where ideas become partnerships, partnerships become investments, and cooperation creates lasting impact for destinations around the world."

As the flagship institutional initiative of the World Tourism Forum Institute, Tourism House reinforces WTFI's long-standing mission of bringing together governments, international organizations, investors, and industry leaders to shape the future of tourism through collaboration and innovation.

About the World Tourism Forum Institute

The World Tourism Forum Institute (WTFI) is an international organization dedicated to advancing tourism through investment, diplomacy, innovation, and strategic partnerships. Through global forums, executive dialogues, investment platforms, and policy initiatives, WTFI works with governments, international organizations, and the private sector to accelerate sustainable tourism development and strengthen international cooperation.

What actually changed on August 2

The most immediate obligations concern transparency. Chatbots and other interactive AI systems must now tell users, clearly, that they are dealing with a machine rather than a human. Providers of systems that generate synthetic audio, images, video or text must ensure their outputs are detectable in a machine-readable form. And anyone deploying deepfake technology must disclose when content has been artificially generated or manipulated, according to the European Commission's enforcement notice.

These labelling duties arrive at a moment when synthetic media has become a central concern for governments and platforms alike. The EU's answer is not to ban the technology but to make its origin traceable — a regulatory philosophy that will now be tested at scale.

Not everything applies at once

The Commission's timetable remains deliberately staggered. Stand-alone high-risk systems listed in Annex III of the Act — categories such as recruitment, credit scoring and law enforcement — have until 2 December 2027 to comply, while AI embedded in products already regulated under EU law, from medical devices to vehicles, has until 2 August 2028. Compliance, however, must increasingly be demonstrated in practice rather than on paper, and regulators now face scrutiny of their own: whether 27 national authorities can enforce a single rulebook consistently.

The stakes are considerable. Breaches of the Act's prohibited practices can draw fines of up to 35 million euros or 7 percent of global turnover, whichever is higher.

Why this matters beyond Europe

The AI Act applies to any provider placing an AI system on the EU market, regardless of where that provider is established. That extraterritorial reach — the familiar "Brussels effect" that turned GDPR into a global standard — is the part of the story that matters most for Türkiye and Central Asia.

Turkish software houses selling AI-enabled products into Europe, Kazakh and Uzbek platforms courting European users, and regional startups pitching EU investors will all find the same questions waiting: Is your chatbot disclosed? Is your synthetic content marked? Can you document how your model was trained? For exporters, EU compliance is becoming less a legal burden than a market-access badge — proof of trustworthiness that travels well beyond the single market.

The region's governments are watching too. As we reported from the Shusha Global Media Forum, where President Aliyev set out his vision of AI and trust, and as capitals from Astana to Tashkent accelerate their digital agendas, the EU's rulebook is the reference point most regional strategies quietly measure themselves against. The question of technological sovereignty — who sets the rules, and who merely follows them — runs through every one of these debates.

The transparency bet

Europe is wagering that trust, not speed, will decide the AI race. Critics argue the Act risks slowing European innovation while the United States and China sprint ahead; supporters counter that calibrated transparency is precisely what gives leaders room to act. What is no longer in dispute is that the experiment has begun in earnest. From this month, an AI system operating in Europe must say what it is — and prove what it does.

The event offered much more than a national celebration. Through the speeches delivered by the ambassadors, guests were presented with a comprehensive overview of Morocco's political stability, economic ambitions, energy transition, African engagement, and growing strategic partnership with Europe.

The official invitation to the event emphasized the diplomatic significance of the gathering.

A Kingdom Marking Nearly Three Decades of Transformation

In his address, Mohammed Ameur reflected on the 27th anniversary of the accession of His Majesty King Mohammed VI to the Throne, describing the past decades as a period of profound transformation for Morocco.

He highlighted what he called four major achievements that have shaped the modern Kingdom, beginning with political and institutional stability. According to the ambassador, Morocco has become "a pole of stability and continuity" in a regional and international environment increasingly marked by uncertainty. He stressed that this stability is rooted in the enduring relationship between the Throne and the Moroccan people, which has provided the foundation for reforms, social cohesion, and economic development.

The ambassador also underlined Morocco's remarkable infrastructure development. Referring to the country's industrial modernization, he noted that Morocco has become Africa's leading industrial platform.Particular attention was given to major logistical projects, including the internationally renowned Tanger Med port and the ambitious Dakhla Atlantic Port, expected to strengthen economic connectivity between Africa and Europe in the coming years.

Morocco's Green Transition and Energy Ambitions

One of the most compelling themes of the evening was Morocco's leadership in renewable energy. Despite lacking oil and gas resources, the country has developed a forward-looking energy strategy focused on sustainability and green innovation.

As Ambassador Ameur noted in his speech:

"Morocco has become a true pioneer of the green transition. Producing neither oil nor gas, the Kingdom has transformed this constraint into an opportunity by developing an electricity mix generated by more than 41% renewable energy sources, with the ambition of reaching 80% by 2050."

He further emphasized Morocco's growing attractiveness for investors in greenhydrogen, a sector increasingly viewed as critical for the future of global energy systems.

These remarks resonated strongly with European audiences concerned with energy security, decarbonization, and sustainable development.

Social Reform and Human Development

Alongside economic modernization, the speech highlighted Morocco's ongoing social reforms. According to Ambassador Ameur, social protection has become one of the central pillars of Morocco's development strategy.

He pointed out that the generalization of social protection and mandatory health insurance now benefits more than 24 million citizens, reflecting a national effort to improve healthcare access and combat vulnerability.

The ambassador acknowledged that Morocco continues to face important challenges, particularly in education, youth employment, and territorial equity. Yet he presented these issues not as obstacles, but as priorities guiding the country's future reforms.

"The successes we celebrate today invite us to look to the future with clarity and to transform constraints into drivers of innovation and progress."

A Strategic Message to Europe

While Ambassador Ameur focused largely on Morocco's national achievements and bilateral relations with Belgium, Ambassador Ahmed Réda Chami delivered a broader strategic visioncentered on the future of Morocco-European Union relations.

His speech reminded the audience that cooperation between Morocco and Europe stretches back decades.

"Our first partnership dates back to the European Community in 1969. Since then, the relationship has steadily evolved."

He emphasized that the 1996 Association Agreement remains "the cornerstone of our relationship" and highlighted the scale of economic cooperation today.

"Today, our annual trade amounts to approximately €62 billion. The European Union exports around €37 billion to Morocco, while Morocco exports approximately €25 billion to the EU."

Yet for Ambassador Chami, these impressive figures represented only a starting point.

"I believe we can go much further."

He argued that Morocco should be considered an integral component of Europe's wider strategic economic space, particularly at a time when Europe faces increasing competition from Asia, geopolitical instability, and changing global trade conditions.

"That is why we believe it is essential to build an even stronger partnership with Morocco. Morocco can become part of Europe's strategic economic space. We can enhance Europe's competitiveness."

The ambassador pointed to Morocco's role as a manufacturing and investment hub, noting that approximately half of all foreign direct investment in Morocco originates from European companies. Major industrial actors such as Renault, Stellantis, and Safran have already established significant operations in the Kingdom.

According to Chami, the reasons are clear:

"Morocco offers greater competitiveness. This is where we contribute something valuable to Europe."

Artificial Intelligence, Renewable Energy andDefenseCooperation

Among the most forward-looking aspects of the speech was Ambassador Chami's vision for cooperation in emerging sectors.

He argued that Morocco possesses two key ingredients necessary for the future development of artificial intelligence:

"AI requires both talent and affordable electricity. Morocco has both: a very young population that is deeply interested in technology and access to low-cost energy."

He also underlined Morocco's extraordinary renewable energy potential:

"Morocco possesses enormous renewable energy potential, comparable to Nigeria's energy potential, except ours is based not on oil but on renewable energy sources."

Looking beyond economics, the ambassador identifieddefense cooperation as another promising field of collaboration, particularly as Europe continues to strengthen its security capabilities.

Africa, Europe and Regional Connectivity

A recurring theme throughout the evening was Morocco's unique position as a bridge between continents.

Ambassador Ameur highlighted the ambitious Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline project, describing it as one of the clearest illustrations of Morocco's African engagement.

"This structuring project will cross 13 countries on the Atlantic coast before connecting to the European market."

According to the ambassador, the pipeline is expected to provide energy security to more than 400 million people while strengthening ties between Africa and Europe.

This vision of connectivity was echoed by Ambassador Chami, who stressed the importance of deeper integration of European and Moroccan value chains.

"We can integrate our value chains more closely. We can foster greater innovation together."

Belgium and Morocco: An Expanding Partnership

The special relationship between Belgium and Morocco occupied a central place in the celebration.

Ambassador Ameur described Belgian-Moroccan relations as distinguished by their "human depth," "historical density," and growing economic significance. He noted that bilateral trade has nearly tripled between 2016 and 2026 and pointed to the major Belgian Economic Mission to Morocco scheduled for 2027, to be led by Her Majesty Queen Mathilde.

Equally important is the human dimension of the partnership. The ambassador paid tribute to the Moroccan community in Belgium, which numbers more than 800,000 people.

"The Moroccan community established in Belgium continues to constitute the most beautiful bond and the most dynamic driving force behind thisBelgian-Moroccan friendship."

In resume

The 2026 Throne Day celebration in Brussels revealed a Morocco confident in its achievements yet fully aware of the challenges ahead. Through the speeches of Ambassadors Mohammed Ameur and Ahmed Réda Chami, guests were presented witha vision of a country that seeks not only to modernize domestically but also to play a larger role in shaping economic, energy, and strategic partnerships across Europe and Africa.

The central message of the evening was perhaps best captured in Ambassador Chami's concluding words:

"I truly believe that together we can build much more than we have achieved so far."

For many attendees, the reception served as a reminder that the Morocco-Europe relationship is no longer defined solely by geography or trade, but increasingly by shared ambitions in innovation, sustainability, security, and prosperity.

CONCLUSION

The Throne Day reception was not only a celebration of Morocco's national achievements, but also a remarkable diplomatic gathering reflecting the Kingdom's growing international engagement.

The event brought together ambassadors, senior diplomats and representatives from numerous countries accredited to Belgium, the European Union and NATO. Among those in attendance were diplomatic representatives of Syria, Qatar, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Tunisia, Sri Lanka, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain and Indonesia,...alongside members of the European diplomatic corps and representatives of international institutions.

Their presence highlighted Morocco's ability to serve as a bridge between regions and cultures, fostering dialogue between Europe, the Arab world, Africa and Asia. Throughout the evening, guests exchanged views on regional developments, economic cooperation and opportunities for strengthening international partnerships.

The diversity of the diplomatic audience reflected the growing importance of Morocco as a strategic actor on the international stage. As discussions unfolded around topics such as renewable energy, trade, connectivity and regional stability, the reception became a platform not only for celebrating the Throne Day but also for encouraging new avenues of cooperation among nations represented in Brussels.

The presence of ambassadors and senior diplomats from the Arab world, Central Asia, South Asia and Southeast Asia further underscored the international significance of the celebration, transforming the reception into one of Brussels' notable diplomatic gatherings of the summer season.

Germany's proposal to establish a strategic natural gas reserve represents more than a national emergency preparedness measure it reflects a broader transformation in Europe's understanding of energy security. Since the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine war in 2022, European governments have increasingly recognized that energy supply disruptions can no longer be treated as temporary market fluctuations. Instead, they have become long-term strategic risks capable of affecting economic stability, industrial production, and national security.

Against this backdrop, Berlin's latest initiative demonstrates a shift from reactive crisis management toward proactive resilience planning. Rather than focusing exclusively on seasonal storage requirements, Germany aims to create a permanent emergency reserve capable of responding to extraordinary disruptions beyond the control of commercial energy markets.

According to the proposal confirmed by Germany's Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs, the strategic reserve would contain approximately 24 terawatt-hours (TWh) of natural gas, equivalent to nearly 10 percent of Germany's total underground storage capacity. Unlike commercial gas inventories, the reserve would not be used to balance seasonal winter demand. Instead, it would remain untouched unless Germany experienced exceptional circumstances such as sabotage against critical infrastructure or a severe disruption in global gas supplies.

The government estimates that establishing the reserve would require an investment of between €1.2 billion and €1.5 billion, distributed across 2027 and 2028. Annual operating costsincluding storage, transportation, and administration—are expected to range between €150 million and €180 million, financed through a surcharge on natural gas consumers.

The proposal also expands the operational capacity of Germany's Federal Network Agency (Bundesnetzagentur), which is responsible for managing emergency interventions during supply shortages. Under the proposed framework, the reserve would provide policymakers with additional time to repair damaged infrastructure, secure alternative import routes, and avoid forced shutdowns of industrial facilities during severe supply crises.

Analysis

From a strategic perspective, Germany's proposal illustrates how European energy policy has evolved since 2022. Prior to the Russia–Ukraine conflict, energy security largely focused on maintaining stable commercial imports. Today, governments increasingly recognize that geopolitical uncertainty, hybrid threats, and infrastructure sabotage require dedicated strategic reserves comparable to those traditionally maintained for crude oil.

One notable aspect of the proposal is its emphasis on infrastructure resilience rather than seasonal demand management. Internal planning assumes that the reserve should be capable of covering approximately 30 days of disruption affecting Germany's largest gas import infrastructure, particularly the Dornum receiving point in Lower Saxony, through which a substantial share of Norwegian pipeline gas enters the country. Such planning reflects a growing awareness that critical energy infrastructure has become a potential target during periods of geopolitical instability.

The reserve could also compensate for approximately 40 days of interrupted LNG imports, or maintain full household and commercial gas supply for 10 days during an extreme winter if both pipeline and LNG imports were simultaneously disrupted. During an average winter, the same reserve could support demand for around 18 days. These scenarios demonstrate that the initiative is designed not to eliminate risk entirely, but to provide valuable time for crisis response and market stabilization.

Economically, the proposal raises important policy questions regarding the balance between public security and consumer costs. Financing the reserve through a surcharge on gas users distributes the financial burden across society, reflecting the government's position that energy security should be treated as a shared public responsibility. While additional costs may generate political debate, the economic consequences of a major gas shortage would likely be substantially higher than the long-term cost of preventive investment.

The initiative also carries significance beyond Germany's borders. As Europe's largest economy and one of the continent's principal energy consumers, Germany often sets regulatory and strategic precedents for other European Union member states. Should the reserve prove effective, similar mechanisms could emerge elsewhere in Europe, contributing to a more coordinated continental approach to emergency energy preparedness.

Conclusion

Germany's strategic gas reserve proposal demonstrates that Europe's energy transition is increasingly accompanied by a parallel transformation in security policy. Diversifying suppliers and expanding renewable energy remain essential objectives, yet recent geopolitical developments have shown that diversification alone cannot eliminate systemic vulnerabilities.

Instead, governments are increasingly investing in resilience—the capacity to absorb shocks, maintain essential services, and preserve economic stability during periods of exceptional disruption. Germany's proposed reserve embodies this philosophy by prioritizing preparedness over reaction.

Although implementation is expected to begin in 2027, the proposal sends an immediate political message: energy security has become a permanent component of national security planning rather than a temporary response to individual crises. As Europe continues adapting to an increasingly uncertain geopolitical environment, Germany's approach may serve as a model for future European energy resilience strategies.

In accordance with announcement Prime Minister of Italy Giorgia Meloni made after consultations with other members of government, Italian Internal Ministry announced the temporary suspension of Schengen free movement regime with Spain.

The announcement came on Thursday evening after Meloni held a meeting with Deputy Prime Ministers Antonio Tajani and Matteo Salvini. The move happens after around 60 thousand migrants crossed from Morocco into Ceuta – An exclave of Spanish territory in North Africa. In a post in X, Tajani explained that the decision is motivated by necessity to safeguard the citizens of Italy as well as European borders, adding that such a big and uncontrolled inflow of illegal migrants poses a number of threats including terrorism.

Statements and actions by Italian government were not left without comments by Spanish authorities. Prime Minister of Spain Pedro Sánchez in his own post on X wrote that while solidarity and empathy are optional, respect for treaties, commitments and facts is not. In the same post he added the figures from Frontex, according to which Italy received more than double of illegal entries (478,600) than Spain (234,760). Earlier the country’s Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares condemned the call of his Italian colleague to suspend the Schengen agreement with Spain.

It is reported that several European countries are becoming more favorable of Italy’s decision and are contemplating approval of similar measures. Foreign Minister of Finland Mari Rantanen criticized Spain, saying that it “completely failed to protect the external border of the Schengen area from incursions”.

Previously around 60,000 people crossed from Morocco into the Spanish autonomous territory of Ceuta bu both land and sea. This triggered an outrage across Europe, while Spanish government authorized measures to return those people to Morocco. It is reported that approximately 50,000 were already returned. But fears of such events happening again are circulating in Europe.

Prime Minister of Poland Donald Tusk said that the missile that crashed in eastern part of the country in early morning of Thursday likely belongs to Russia.

During a meeting held in the city of Lublin that was organized to talk about the event Tusk said that so far everything points out to the missile that hit Polish territory being a Russian Kh-101 cruise missile. Later, while visiting the crash site, he also told that this is supported by relevant parts of the missile found there.

Prime Minister emphasized that although there are no casualties of the incident, the state takes this matter very seriously and will thoroughly investigate it. He said that the country’s defense forces were ready to shoot down the missile, it did not happen as it was predicted that it would land in an area far from built up settlements

Tusk added that he remains in contact with partners of Poland in EU as well as in NATO. He informed them of the incident while they in turn reaffirmed their commitments to security of Poland, condemning Russia for the incident, regarded as part of its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Previously in the first hours of Thursday it was reported of an incident near the village of Tarnawa Kolonia in eastern Poland. Later it was found that a missile struck near the settlement, leaving a 10m-wide crater.

The missile likely appeared in Polish airspace during a massive attack on Ukraine conducted by Russia starting on Wednesday evening. According to Ukrainian Air Forces, 74 rockets and almost 300 drones were launched by Russia, targeting cities across the country. At least 8 people died, dozens more became wounded. The most tragic incident became the death of 6 members of 1 family whose house in a village near the city of Kryvyi Rih in the south of Ukraine hot hit by a Russian missile.

Ambassador of Pakistan to the Netherlands, H.E. Syed Haider Shah:
Thank you very much for your question.

Pakistan and the Netherlands enjoy good historic relations, spanning more than 70 years, and efforts are underway to strengthen these relations in different fields. We already have a robust trade relationship, which now exceeds $2 billion, with $1.5 billion in Pakistani exports and about $0.5 billion in imports. We also have good people-to-people contacts.

A large number of Pakistani students are studying here, and there is also a considerable Pakistani community living here. We expect not only that the momentum of the economic relations between our two countries will continue to gather pace, but also that it will further intensify and expand into other areas. One area you mentioned is scientific cooperation. A number of highly skilled Pakistani professionals have joined the high-tech industry here in the Netherlands in different positions, and we hope that such contributions and collaboration will continue in the years to come.

Attracting Dutch investors to Pakistan

Derya Soysal:
How is the Embassy of Pakistan here in The Hague trying to attract investors from the Netherlands to Pakistan, and why should European, and particularly Dutch, investors invest in Pakistan?

Ambassador of Pakistan to the Netherlands, H.E. Syed Haider Shah:
There are good investment and business opportunities in Pakistan, and I am happy to note that businesspeople in the Netherlands have been astute enough to recognize those opportunities. More than 60 Dutch companies have been operating in Pakistan over the years, and they have invested in different fields.

There are strong commercial ties between entities in Pakistan and the Netherlands, and we hope that these ties will continue. As an embassy, we facilitate those contacts and relationships, those investments, and those opportunities. We have been encouraging Dutch businesses to participate in exhibitions that Pakistan has been hosting from time to time, for instance, in textiles, agri-products, and other fields.

Pakistani businesspeople and exporters have also been participating in such exhibitions in the Netherlands. As an embassy, we have a trade and investment desk here, which caters to the demands and requirements of businesses in the Netherlands as well as in Pakistan. We not only provide them with information but also offer useful services in terms of connections, bridge-building, and opportunities to be explored.

The Pakistani diaspora in the Netherlands

Derya Soysal:
And we have one last question. You mentioned that there are many Pakistanis here in the Netherlands. What role does the diaspora here in the Netherlands play in promoting Pakistani culture and serving as a soft power for Pakistan here?

Ambassador of Pakistan to the Netherlands, H.E. Syed Haider Shah:
The Pakistani community is, I would say, well established here in terms of running businesses and contributing professionally in different fields. They have been here for decades now. Some of them are now in the second and third generations.

We also have some members in local government. I think another important aspect is that, in sports and culture, many Pakistanis have been contributing, for instance, to cricket and hockey here. So, the Pakistani community is vibrant.

They are contributing positively to the promotion of bilateral ties between Pakistan and the Netherlands. Their professional contributions in different fields are also a recognition not only of their potential but also of the closeness between the two countries.

Derya Soysal:
Thank you very much, Your Excellency, dear Ambassador.

Let us make the Netherlands closer to Pakistan, and Pakistan closer to the Netherlands.

Ambassador of Pakistan to the Netherlands, H.E. Syed Haider Shah:
Yes, thank you very much. This is our endeavour.

Derya Soysal:
Thank you very much.

Europe is once again confronting a familiar but increasingly complex challenge: securing sufficient energy supplies ahead of the winter season. Four years after Russia's invasion of Ukraine forced the continent to fundamentally reshape its energy strategy, European policymakers are discovering that reducing dependence on Russian pipeline gas has not eliminated vulnerability it has merely changed its form.

Today, Europe's energy security is shaped not only by domestic storage levels but also by global competition for liquefied natural gas (LNG), geopolitical instability in the Middle East, and disruptions affecting international fuel markets. Recent developments suggest that the continent is entering the winter with significantly less flexibility than in previous years, raising fresh concerns about supply resilience should colder-than-average weather materialize.

Natural gas remains the backbone of residential heating across Europe, supplying roughly one-third of household heating demand, while heating oil continues to play an important role in several member states. Consequently, maintaining adequate inventories before winter has become one of the European Union's primary energy objectives.

Current market indicators, however, reveal a growing imbalance between supply and expected seasonal demand. European underground gas storage facilities are approximately 55 percent full, marking the weakest position for this period of the year since 2021. Although storage injections continue, the pace is insufficient to comfortably achieve the European Union's target of reaching around 80 percent capacity before winter.

The changing dynamics of the global LNG market are a major reason for this slowdown. Since replacing Russian pipeline gas after 2022, Europe has become heavily dependent on imported LNG. This diversification strengthened political independence from Moscow but simultaneously exposed Europe to intense international competition for available cargoes.

Recent geopolitical developments have amplified these pressures. Following renewed instability involving Iran and continued uncertainty surrounding maritime transport through the Strait of Hormuz, LNG flows from the Gulf region have become increasingly unpredictable. Qatar, one of the world's largest LNG exporters, has faced difficulties restoring export volumes amid ongoing regional tensions, limiting additional supply for international markets.

At the same time, Asian economies have returned aggressively to the LNG market. Strong purchasing activity particularly from major Asian importers has redirected significant volumes of American LNG that might otherwise have been shipped to Europe. As competition intensifies, European buyers are increasingly required to pay higher prices to secure available cargoes.

These market conditions have already influenced prices. Benchmark European natural gas prices recently climbed above €60 per megawatt-hour, reaching their highest levels since early 2023 and surpassing previous peaks recorded during the recent Middle Eastern crisis.

Analysis

Although natural gas dominates public attention, Europe's diesel market may represent an equally significant source of vulnerability. Diesel occupies a unique position within the European economy because it supports freight transportation, industrial production, agriculture, and heating oil supplies simultaneously. Disruptions in diesel availability therefore affect multiple sectors beyond household energy consumption.

Unlike previous years, diesel inventories have continued to decline throughout the traditional summer stock-building period. Supply interruptions associated with the Middle East have reduced exports from an important producing region, forcing European consumers to rely increasingly on existing inventories. As a result, diesel stocks have fallen to their lowest levels in several years.

Global supply constraints have become even more severe due to policy decisions by two major exporters. China has limited fuel exports in an effort to prioritize domestic supply, while Russia has imposed restrictions on diesel exports following repeated attacks on refining infrastructure that affected domestic production capacity. Together, these developments have significantly reduced global diesel availability at a time when seasonal demand normally increases.

The consequence has been a sharp rise in refining margins and wholesale diesel prices across Europe. Elevated prices are beginning to suppress consumption, but demand destruction alone cannot resolve structural supply shortages if geopolitical disruptions persist.

From a broader strategic perspective, Europe's current position illustrates a fundamental transformation in energy security. Before 2022, the continent's primary concern centered on dependence upon a single supplier—Russia. Today, the challenge has evolved into dependence on a highly competitive global LNG market where events occurring thousands of kilometers away can immediately influence European supply conditions.

This shift introduces a different type of risk. Pipeline contracts offered relative predictability despite political tensions, whereas LNG markets operate under global competition, flexible cargo destinations, and rapidly changing price signals. Consequently, geopolitical events in the Persian Gulf, Asia, or North America now have a much more immediate impact on European energy stability.

Conclusion

Europe is not necessarily facing an imminent energy crisis, but the warning signs have become increasingly difficult to ignore. Lower gas inventories, constrained LNG imports, tightening diesel supplies, and persistent geopolitical uncertainty collectively reduce the margin for error as winter approaches.

Should temperatures remain relatively mild, existing reserves and continued imports may prove sufficient to avoid major disruptions. However, a prolonged period of cold weather would substantially increase heating demand, rapidly depleting inventories and placing additional pressure on already constrained global fuel markets.

Ultimately, Europe's experience demonstrates that energy security can no longer be measured solely by the quantity of fuel stored underground. It increasingly depends on resilient international supply chains, diversified energy partnerships, stable geopolitical conditions, and the capacity to respond rapidly to global market shocks.

As Europe prepares for another winter, the continent finds itself in a stronger position than during the immediate aftermath of the Ukraine crisis. Nevertheless, recent developments make one conclusion increasingly clear: despite years of diversification efforts, European energy security remains deeply interconnected with global geopolitics, leaving little room for strategic complacency.

Although the meeting concluded without a major policy announcement, its significance lies less in immediate decisions and more in the strategic direction it reveals. High-level diplomatic engagements often serve as indicators of future policy, and this summit suggests that the United States and Israel are seeking to align their approaches before regional tensions escalate further.

According to officials familiar with the discussions, Trump and Netanyahu reviewed a broad range of policy options concerning Iran, including diplomatic initiatives, economic pressure, intelligence cooperation, and military contingency planning. Israeli officials emphasized that while military scenarios were discussed, no immediate decision was taken, underscoring that diplomacy remains part of the current approach.

The talks also covered the ongoing conflict in Gaza and wider regional security challenges. However, the prominence of Iran throughout the discussions highlighted a shift in priorities. Rather than concentrating solely on current conflicts, both governments appear increasingly concerned with preventing future strategic threats that could reshape the regional balance of power.

The timing of the meeting is equally significant. The Middle East continues to experience heightened uncertainty following months of military confrontations, proxy conflicts, and diplomatic efforts involving several regional and international actors. In this environment, coordination between Washington and Jerusalem becomes a critical element of broader security planning.

From a geopolitical perspective, the meeting reflects an effort to strengthen deterrence rather than signal an imminent military confrontation. Publicly discussing various policy options—including diplomacy and contingency planning allows both governments to project readiness while avoiding commitments that could unnecessarily escalate tensions.

The discussions also send an important message beyond Iran. Regional partners and rivals alike will closely monitor the degree of policy coordination between the United States and Israel. A unified strategic position may influence calculations in Tehran, while also shaping the diplomatic approaches of Gulf states and European allies seeking regional stability.

Another important dimension is the economic impact of continued uncertainty. Even without direct military action, prolonged geopolitical tensions in the Middle East can affect global energy markets, investor confidence, and international trade routes. As a result, decisions taken in Washington and Jerusalem have implications that extend well beyond regional politics.

Finally, the summit demonstrates that security policy in the Middle East is increasingly driven by long-term strategic competition rather than isolated crises. Governments are preparing not only for today's challenges but also for potential scenarios that could emerge over the coming years.

Conclusion

The Trump–Netanyahu meeting did not produce dramatic announcements or immediate policy shifts. Nevertheless, it offered valuable insight into how both governments currently assess the regional security environment. Iran remains at the center of U.S.–Israel strategic planning, while diplomacy, deterrence, and close bilateral coordination continue to define their approach.

Whether this strategy succeeds will depend largely on future diplomatic developments and Iran's own policy choices. For now, the meeting signals continuity rather than confrontation but it also confirms that the Middle East's strategic landscape remains highly fluid, requiring careful coordination among regional and international actors.

The Secretary General of United Nations António Guterres during his visit to the island of Cyprus called for new negotiations the goal of which would be to end the more than 50 year old division between Greek and Turkish half.

Guterres after a joint meeting with leaders of Turkish and Greek parts of Cyprus held in Nicosia invited the leadership of both halves of the island to participate in new talks regarding the end of division of Cyprus. He announced that the negotiations he will convene will be held in 5+1 format. Aside from UN and representatives of Cyprus’ Greek and Turkish leadership, UK, Greece and Türkiye will also participate, as these countries are guarantors of Cyprus independence per the 1960 treaty.

Secretary General did not announce a precise date for the talks, as in his opinion it is dependent on “adequate preparation” and confidence building between the sides. Still, the UN will cooperate with Cypriots and guarantor countries alike to bring the negotiations closer. He insisted that if UN’s efforts will be successful and the meetings will be held, he does not want them to end without meaningful results.

Guterres added that the question of the island will not be raised in the UN General Assembly during the High-level week in September. He is the first UN Secretary General to visit Cyprus since 2010. At the end of 2026 his tenure at this position will end. He stated that while UN does not hold the power to impose peace and unity upon the countries, it remains committed in providing the support to locals in this critical moment.

Since 1974 the island of Cyprus is divided between Turkish north and Greek south, separated by a UN buffer zone. UK, one of the guarantors of Cyprus’ independence, still holds control over 2 sovereign Base Areas at Akrotiri and Dhekelia. As the island remains divided along linguistic, cultural and historical lines, the challenge of island’s reunification remains complex to solve.

Oil Markets Ease as U.S.–Iran Pause Fuels Diplomatic Hopes

Global oil prices declined as markets responded positively to the temporary de-escalation between the United States and Iran, with investors interpreting the pause in hostilities as a sign that diplomacy may once again take precedence over military confrontation. Although geopolitical risks remain elevated, the latest developments have eased immediate concerns over potential disruptions to global energy supplies.

The market reaction followed President Donald Trump's decision to halt the recent U.S. military campaign against Iran. Tehran subsequently announced that it would suspend its retaliatory attacks for as long as the American pause remains in effect. The reciprocal restraint reduced fears of a broader regional conflict and prompted a sharp decline in crude oil prices.

Diplomatic Signals Calm Energy Markets

For energy markets, geopolitical stability is one of the most significant drivers of price movements. The recent exchange between Washington and Tehran had raised concerns that a prolonged conflict could threaten oil production and transportation routes across the Middle East. However, the temporary suspension of military operations has altered investor expectations.

Market participants increasingly believe that both sides are attempting to prevent a wider conflict while preserving their respective strategic positions. Although no formal diplomatic agreement has been announced, the reduction in military activity has been sufficient to lower the geopolitical risk premium that had recently pushed oil prices higher.

Strait of Hormuz Remains the Critical Variable

Despite the market's positive reaction, uncertainty continues to surround the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world's most strategically important maritime energy corridors. A significant share of global crude oil exports passes through the narrow waterway each day, making any security concern in the region capable of affecting international energy markets.

While shipping activity has continued, analysts note that any renewed military escalation involving Iran could immediately disrupt tanker traffic and trigger another surge in oil prices. Consequently, investors remain highly sensitive to developments in the Gulf despite the current diplomatic pause.

Markets Continue to Balance Geopolitics and Economics

Oil prices are influenced not only by geopolitical developments but also by broader macroeconomic expectations. Investors continue to monitor U.S. monetary policy, global economic growth prospects, and crude inventory data alongside political developments in the Middle East.

Expectations regarding interest rates remain particularly important. Higher borrowing costs could weaken global demand for energy, while declining inventories may provide support for prices. As a result, the current market environment reflects a combination of geopolitical optimism and economic caution.

Relief Rather Than Resolution

The recent decline in oil prices should not be interpreted as evidence that regional tensions have disappeared. Instead, financial markets are responding to the reduced likelihood of an immediate military escalation.

The temporary pause between Washington and Tehran has lowered short-term risk perceptions, but the structural issues that define the relationship between the two countries remain unresolved. As long as these strategic disagreements persist, energy markets are likely to remain vulnerable to sudden price volatility.

This episode once again demonstrates how rapidly geopolitical developments can reshape commodity markets. Oil prices increasingly reflect expectations about future political decisions as much as current supply and demand conditions.

Conclusion

The temporary reduction in hostilities between the United States and Iran has provided short-term relief for global oil markets, encouraging investors to price in a lower probability of immediate regional conflict. Nevertheless, uncertainty surrounding the Strait of Hormuz, broader Middle Eastern security, and future diplomatic efforts continues to limit confidence.

Whether the recent decline in oil prices develops into a lasting trend will depend largely on the durability of the current pause and the willingness of both Washington and Tehran to prevent another cycle of escalation. Until then, geopolitical developments will remain one of the defining forces shaping global energy markets.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu departed for Washington on Monday for what is expected to be one of the most consequential meetings of his current term with U.S. President Donald Trump. The visit marks the eighth meeting between the two leaders since Trump returned to office and their first face-to-face discussion since the recent confrontation involving the United States, Israel, and Iran fundamentally reshaped the regional security landscape.

Unlike previous bilateral meetings, this summit comes at a time when military operations, diplomatic initiatives, domestic political calculations, and regional alliances are intersecting simultaneously. While both leaders continue to emphasize their strategic partnership, recent developments suggest that Washington and Jerusalem are also navigating increasingly complex policy differences regarding the future direction of the Middle East.

Iran Remains the Central Strategic Priority

Before departing for Washington, Netanyahu made clear that Iran would dominate the discussions.

"In these complex times, you need to act with both great determination and great wisdom. We will discuss all the issues on the agenda, primarily Iran. Of course, our goal is to protect our security and also to expand the circle of peace around us."

The statement reflects Israel's longstanding assessment that Iran continues to represent its principal national security challenge. Although regional crises in Gaza and Lebanon remain active, Jerusalem continues to view Iran's military capabilities, regional influence, and strategic ambitions as the primary factor shaping Israeli defense policy.

For the Trump administration, Iran likewise remains a critical foreign policy concern. However, recent events indicate that Washington's immediate objective has shifted toward preventing further escalation while preserving deterrence.

The Aftermath of the U.S.–Iran Confrontation

The meeting follows a significant military episode involving the United States and Iran.

Earlier this month, the United States conducted a two-week bombing campaign against Iranian targets. The operation prompted Tehran to retaliate by launching attacks against American military bases in the region. Notably, Israel did not directly participate in the U.S. bombing campaign despite being Washington's closest regional ally.

Over the weekend, President Trump decided to halt the military operation. Iran subsequently announced that it would suspend its own attacks for as long as the American pause remains in effect, creating a temporary reduction in hostilities.

Despite this pause, Israel has maintained a firm deterrent posture. Israeli officials have warned that any future Iranian attack would receive an immediate and forceful military response, underscoring Jerusalem's determination to prevent any perception of weakened resolve.

Strategic Alignment, Tactical Differences

Although the United States and Israel continue to share the broader objective of containing Iran, recent developments suggest that the two governments are not identical in their preferred methods.

Netanyahu himself has recently acknowledged that differences have emerged between the two allies as Israeli and American interests have occasionally diverged.

Those tensions became unusually visible following an acrimonious telephone conversation in June. Reports of the exchange initially leaked to the media before President Trump publicly confirmed them. During the conversation, Trump reportedly described Netanyahu in highly critical terms, exposing strains that rarely become public between two leaders traditionally viewed as close political partners.

The incident demonstrated that even strong strategic alliances can experience periods of disagreement when military objectives, diplomatic priorities, and domestic political pressures evolve differently.

Nevertheless, neither government has questioned the broader strategic relationship. Instead, current disagreements appear to concern tactical approaches rather than long-term geopolitical goals.

Gaza and Lebanon Add Complexity

Although Iran is expected to dominate the agenda, regional security discussions will almost certainly extend beyond Tehran.

In what many observers interpret as a gesture toward Washington, Israel announced on Sunday that it would permit a multinational security force to enter Gaza under President Trump's proposed peace framework for the enclave. The decision suggests a willingness by the Israeli government to cooperate with American diplomatic initiatives while maintaining its own security requirements.

Meanwhile, Israel announced on July 21 that it had redeployed portions of its military presence in southern Lebanon. The move forms part of U.S.-supported understandings reached with Lebanese authorities during recent negotiations and reflects continued coordination between Washington and Jerusalem regarding northern border security.

Together, these developments indicate that the upcoming meeting is likely to address multiple interconnected security theaters rather than focusing exclusively on Iran.

Domestic Political Stakes

The Washington visit also carries significant domestic political implications for Netanyahu.

Israel is scheduled to hold national elections on October 27, and recent opinion polls indicate that Netanyahu faces a competitive political environment. Against this backdrop, appearing alongside the President of the United States offers an opportunity to reinforce his image as an experienced statesman capable of managing Israel's most important international relationship.

Historically, close cooperation with Washington has represented an important political asset for Israeli leaders. A successful summit that projects unity and strategic coordination could therefore strengthen Netanyahu's position during the election campaign.

For President Trump, the meeting also reinforces America's commitment to one of its closest allies while demonstrating continued engagement in Middle Eastern security affairs.

Managing Partnership in a More Complicated Region

The upcoming Trump–Netanyahu meeting illustrates both the resilience and the evolving nature of the U.S.–Israel partnership.

The two governments remain closely aligned in viewing Iran as the principal strategic challenge facing the region. At the same time, recent military developments reveal subtle differences regarding crisis management, escalation control, and the balance between military pressure and diplomatic restraint.

Washington appears increasingly focused on preventing a wider regional conflict after achieving immediate military objectives, while Israel continues to emphasize long-term deterrence against Iran and its regional network of allies.

These approaches are not necessarily contradictory; rather, they reflect different national priorities shaped by each country's strategic responsibilities and domestic political considerations.

The inclusion of Gaza, Lebanon, and regional security arrangements alongside the Iran dossier further demonstrates that Middle Eastern diplomacy has become increasingly interconnected. Decisions taken on one front inevitably influence developments elsewhere.

Conclusion

The Washington summit represents far more than another routine meeting between allied leaders. It arrives at a pivotal moment following the recent U.S.–Iran confrontation, amid ongoing instability in Gaza and Lebanon, and against the backdrop of important political developments in both countries.

While Iran is expected to remain the dominant subject of discussion, the broader significance of the meeting lies in determining how Washington and Jerusalem intend to coordinate their strategies in an increasingly volatile regional environment.

Whether the discussions produce new security understandings or simply reaffirm existing commitments, the outcome will likely shape the next phase of U.S.–Israeli cooperation and influence the strategic trajectory of the Middle East in the months ahead.

To support Spain and France in their struggle against the wildfires, the European Commission brought its emergency response system into action, providing specialized vehicles to both countries, as well as sending additional firefighter brigades. But the system is overwhelmed and is reaching its limit.

On Monday the European Commission’s spokesperson told the media that the current wildfires are out of EU’s capacity. The emergency mentioned has already driven out more than 300,000 people out of their homes and devastated more than 120,000 hectares of forests in Spain and France (80,000 in the former, 42,000 in the latter). The fires currently remain out of control, which might cause further damage and evacuations.

Although officials in the Commission state that its system is working, they acknowledge that it is being pushed to its limits as the number and scale of emergencies is rising every year. As such, the emergency response mechanism being outpaced by those same natural disasters is becoming a problem.

As a result, EU plans to expand its fleet of various firefighting vehicles, including specialized trucks, planes and helicopters. This will enable better and faster response to future disasters, especially firefighter. But officials insist that the root of the problem lies in climate change, as it is responsible for lengthening of wildfire seasons as well as expanding their scale.

As such, the Commission argues that not only should the bloc invest in firefighting equipment, but it also has to take measures to prevent the emergence of such natural disasters. The main idea behind this is that mitigation would cost less than a fleet of equipment which will have to be enlarged with each year.

In the meantime the wildfires in Spain and France continue, as do the multinational efforts to help those countries. Numerous additional equipment and personnel were deployed to aid the local specialists.

Conference brings global representatives together

Held from July 17 to 20, the conference brought together representatives from more than 100 countries and international organizations, alongside scientists, policymakers and business leaders. More than 1,100 companies presented over 3,000 exhibits, reflecting the expanding scale of China’s AI ecosystem. Yet the significance of the Shanghai meeting extended beyond technological demonstrations. Its central message concerned access, governance and the right of developing countries to participate meaningfully in the AI revolution.

President Xi Jinping placed openness at the heart of this vision. He called for a just and equitable global AI governance system, greater international cooperation and wider access to technological innovation. China also announced plans to expand training, exchanges and cooperation centres with ASEAN, the African Union, the Arab League, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

Global South faces practical AI challenges

For the Global South, this approach addresses a practical problem. Many developing countries understand the transformative potential of AI, yet remain constrained by the high cost of advanced models, limited computing infrastructure, inadequate technical capacity and dependence on foreign platforms. Without affordable access, AI could deepen the development gap rather than reduce it.

China’s open-source AI ecosystem offers an important response. Open models allow universities, start-ups, public institutions and local developers to examine, adapt and deploy technology according to their own requirements. A Pakistani university can build an educational application in local languages. An African health authority can adapt a model for disease monitoring. A Southeast Asian agricultural institution can use AI to improve crop forecasting without surrendering complete control over its data and operations.

Western trap narrative lacks alternatives

This is why the Western description of Chinese open-source AI as a potential “trap” deserves closer examination. A trap presupposes the existence of viable alternatives. For much of the Global South, no Western alternative currently offers a comparable combination of affordability, accessibility and adaptability. Proprietary systems may provide impressive capabilities, but access is frequently governed by commercial subscriptions, centralized application interfaces, export restrictions and corporate decisions made far from the societies affected by them.

The real choice facing many developing countries is therefore between accessible technology and technological exclusion. Presenting affordable Chinese models as inherently threatening while treating expensive closed systems as politically neutral reveals a clear double standard.

Security concerns require serious attention

Security concerns still require serious attention. No country should adopt critical AI infrastructure without examining cybersecurity, data protection, model behavior and supply-chain risks. These principles should apply equally to Chinese, American, European and other systems. Technology should be evaluated through evidence, testing and transparent standards rather than geopolitical origin.

Open-source models provide a stronger foundation for such scrutiny. Independent researchers and security specialists can inspect their code, architecture or model components. Vulnerabilities can be identified, debated and corrected across a wider technical community. Closed models require users to trust the assurances of the company controlling the system while offering limited visibility into how it was trained, modified or governed.

Openness alone cannot guarantee security. Malicious code can be published openly, and model weights do not automatically reveal every risk embedded in training data or deployment infrastructure. Effective protection requires continuous auditing, secure hosting, data localization where appropriate, transparent documentation and independent evaluation. Even so, claims about hidden manipulation are more testable in open systems than in proprietary platforms protected by commercial secrecy.

Western policymakers should ask same questions

Western policymakers should therefore apply the same questions to their own AI industry. Who controls the model? Who determines access? Where is user data processed? Can a country inspect the system it depends upon? Can prices or conditions change unilaterally? Can access be withdrawn during a political dispute?

If dependence on Chinese open-source technology is automatically described as a trap, dependence on closed, profit-driven Western platforms must also be examined. When a small group of corporations controls foundational models, computing infrastructure, technical standards and global data flows, the result risks becoming a form of technological colonialism. Developing countries become permanent consumers of intelligence produced elsewhere, paying for access while contributing data and receiving limited influence over governance.

China's proposition supports technological agency

China’s proposition is more attractive because it can support technological agency. Open-source access enables countries to build domestic skills, train engineers, create local applications and gradually develop their own AI ecosystems. This shifts cooperation from the sale of finished products towards shared capacity-building.

China must also respond constructively to legitimate concerns. It can strengthen confidence by supporting third-party security assessments, multilingual technical documentation, open safety benchmarks and international research partnerships. Developing countries should avoid replacing one form of dependence with another by investing in local computing infrastructure, sovereign data governance and domestic talent.

World AI Cooperation Organization established

The creation of the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, supported initially by 29 countries including Pakistan, gives Shanghai’s vision an institutional direction. Its credibility will depend on whether it provides developing countries with a genuine voice in setting standards, assessing risks and distributing the benefits of innovation.

AI governance cannot become the exclusive privilege of countries that reached the technological frontier first. Nor should security become a justification for preserving commercial dominance or restricting access to knowledge. The Global South requires partnerships that expand its choices, capabilities and decision-making authority.

Shanghai has placed the essential issue before the international community. The future of AI will be judged by more than the sophistication of its models. It will be judged by who can access them, who can understand them, who can shape their rules and whose development they ultimately serve. China’s open-source approach offers developing countries something increasingly valuable: the opportunity to become participants in the AI future rather than customers standing outside it.

In an exclusive interview with Mr. Muhammad Ali Pasha, Ambassador of Tajikistan to Pakistan His Excellency Sharifzoda Yusuf Toir shared his views on the growing partnership between Tajikistan and Pakistan, expanding trade and tourism, deep-rooted cultural and linguistic ties, the leadership of President Emomali Rahmon and H.E. Rustam Emomali, digital transformation, and the future of bilateral relations.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: Excellency, what is your assessment of the current state of relations between Tajikistan and Pakistan?

Excellency: Relations between Tajikistan and Pakistan are improving with each passing day. We are expanding cooperation across a wide range of sectors, and the momentum is clearly positive.

Pakistan serves as a gateway for all Central Asian states, and we are working diligently to ensure that every country in the region can benefit from this strategic access. Bilateral trade is expected to grow significantly, and the leadership of both countries is committed to increasing trade volume to US$500 million or even more within the next one to two years.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: What is the current level of bilateral trade between the two brotherly countries?

Excellency: Despite the prevailing regional challenges, bilateral trade between Pakistan and Tajikistan has already reached approximately US$65–70 million by the middle of this year.

We remain optimistic about the future. As peace and stability continue to improve across the region, trade will increase not only between Pakistan and Tajikistan but also between Pakistan and the entire Central Asian region.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: What are the benefits of cultural collaboration between the two countries?

Excellency: I would like to say that over the past century, we lost many of the cultural links that once connected our peoples.

If you look at Tajikistan, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, they are like one picture that has been divided into three pieces. Until these three pieces come together again, we cannot fully appreciate the richness of our shared culture.

We must work hard to restore these historical and cultural connections because doing so will benefit all three nations.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: What are your views on the Persian language and its connection with Urdu?

Excellency: It is very easy for us to communicate in Urdu because nearly 80 percent of Urdu has its roots in Persian. Even many Arabic words used in Urdu entered the language through Persian.

The meanings of many Urdu words are immediately familiar to me because we use the same vocabulary in Tajik. Even the pronunciation of Tajik Persian closely resembles Urdu.

Pakistan’s music also shares remarkable similarities with Tajik music, as well as the traditional music of Samarkand, Bukhara, and Afghanistan. Taking all these historical and cultural links into account, I believe that we are one people. In many ways, even our cultural DNA is the same.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: Excellency, President Emomali Rahmon is widely regarded as a great friend of Pakistan. How would you describe his leadership?

Excellency: My nation and I consider ourselves fortunate to have such a leader. Under President Emomali Rahmon’s leadership, the Tajik people have regained their national identity and cultural pride, earning respect and recognition around the world.

His vision led to the establishment of global initiatives on water issues. More than 30 years ago, he warned the international community that the world would eventually face water scarcity.

He also introduced a ten-year initiative focused on glacier preservation. Today, countries around the world are increasingly recognizing the significance and foresight of these initiatives.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: What is your assessment of the role of H.E. Rustam Emomali in transforming Dushanbe?

Excellency: Under his leadership, Dushanbe has become one of the most beautiful capitals in the world. If you compare the city today with what it looked like fifteen years ago, the transformation is extraordinary.

His initiatives have particularly focused on young people, especially through the promotion of football. His contributions helped elevate the importance of the sport internationally, culminating in the United Nations proclaiming 25 May as World Football Day.

Rustam Emomali serves as a true inspiration for the younger generation.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: What role can tourism play in strengthening relations between Pakistan and Tajikistan?

Excellency: I am delighted to say that Pakistani interest in visiting Central Asia has grown tremendously.

Several neighboring countries have already launched direct flights from Pakistan, and we are also taking steps in that direction. Today, approximately 1,300 to 1,600 Pakistani tourists visit Tajikistan every month, reflecting the growing people-to-people connection between our countries.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: How do you view President Emomali Rahmon’s efforts in digitalization and artificial intelligence?

Excellency: The initiatives undertaken by President Emomali Rahmon benefit not only the people of Tajikistan but also the broader region.

On digitalization and artificial intelligence, President Rahmon presented an ambitious agenda at the United Nations, which received international appreciation and endorsement.

Tajikistan is making significant progress in AI and digital transformation under his leadership. At the same time, I am pleased to see Pakistan also expanding its investments in artificial intelligence and digitalization, creating new opportunities for cooperation.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: Where do you see Pakistan-Tajikistan relations over the next decade?

Excellency: I envision a future where you can have breakfast in Islamabad, enjoy lunch in Tajikistan, and return home by evening.

Our political, economic, and cultural relations will continue to deepen. The bonds between our countries will become so close that future generations will look back at today’s level of connectivity as part of history.

Muhammad Ali Pasha: Excellency, thank you very much for your valuable time.

- What was your overall impression about 4th Shusha Global Media Forum?

- The 4th Shusha Global Media Forum was a remarkable demonstration of Azerbaijan's growing role in shaping global discussions on media, technology, and international cooperation. At a time when artificial intelligence and disinformation are transforming the global information landscape, Azerbaijan has created an influential platform where governments, journalists, policymakers, academics, and technology leaders can collectively explore practical solutions.

The theme, "The Mission of the Media in Promoting Peace: Restoring Truth and Rebuilding Trust," could not have been more timely. Under the visionary leadership of President Ilham Aliyev, the Government of Azerbaijan has successfully positioned the forum as a globally respected venue for dialogue on ethical journalism, digital resilience, and responsible media.

President Aliyev's opening address

- President Ilham Aliyev delivered the opening address. What message do you believe resonated most strongly?

- President Ilham Aliyev's address was both visionary and inspiring. His message extended beyond media policy; it reflected Azerbaijan's broader vision for peace, development, and international cooperation.

What impressed me most was his emphasis that Shusha itself represents truth, resilience, and reconstruction. Delegates who visited the city witnessed firsthand how a region once devastated by conflict has been transformed into a vibrant cultural and intellectual center. This transformation is not only physical—it represents the determination of Azerbaijan to restore its cultural heritage while promoting stability and peaceful coexistence.

President Aliyev also reaffirmed Azerbaijan's commitment to a just and lasting peace in the South Caucasus based on international law and mutual respect. Equally significant was his emphasis on the strategic importance of the Middle Corridor, highlighting Azerbaijan's increasing contribution to regional connectivity between Europe and Asia.

His message consistently promoted dialogue instead of confrontation, cooperation instead of division, and facts instead of misinformation.

Shusha's evolution as media platform

- How has Shusha evolved as an international media platform?

- The evolution has been extraordinary. Over the past four years, the Shusha Global Media Forum has developed into one of the most important international platforms dedicated to the future of journalism and digital communication. This year's participation of nearly 160 delegates from 53 countries clearly demonstrates the forum's growing international recognition.

The Government of Azerbaijan deserves considerable appreciation for institutionalizing this annual dialogue. Rather than being merely a conference, the forum has become a platform where governments, international organizations, technology companies, researchers, and media professionals openly exchange ideas on challenges created by artificial intelligence, disinformation, cybersecurity, and declining public trust.

Children and the digital world

- One of the important discussions focused on children and the digital world. Why do you think this topic received so much attention?

- I believe this was one of the forum's most forward-looking discussions. Artificial intelligence and social media are rapidly changing the way children access information and interact online. Issues such as cyberbullying, algorithm-driven manipulation, misinformation, and psychological well-being require global attention.

The forum demonstrated Azerbaijan's willingness to actively contribute to international discussions on digital ethics, online safety, and responsible innovation. The balanced approach presented—protecting young people while encouraging technological progress—was particularly encouraging.

AI and cybersecurity takeaways

- Artificial intelligence and cybersecurity were central themes throughout the forum. What were the major takeaways?

- The discussions were exceptionally practical. Experts from Azerbaijan's cybersecurity institutions, international AI specialists, and representatives from major global technology companies examined challenges including deepfakes, data protection, platform accountability, digital literacy, and cybersecurity resilience.

Being an AI and software expert, I was particularly encouraged to learn about Azerbaijan's ongoing efforts to modernize its cybersecurity legislation. This demonstrates the government's proactive approach toward building a secure digital environment while encouraging innovation.

The presence of leading technology companies also reflected Azerbaijan's commitment to inclusive dialogue where governments, regulators, industry, and researchers work together rather than separately.

D-8 media cooperation initiative

- The forum also witnessed the announcement of a new D-8 media cooperation initiative. How significant is this development?

- It is a very significant achievement. The presentation of the strategy of the D-8 Media Excellence Center, led by Secretary General Sohail Mahmood together with Hikmet Hajiyev, Assistant to the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan and Head of the Foreign Policy Affairs Department of the Presidential Administration, marks an important step toward strengthening cooperation among member states.

The proposed Media Centre of Excellence has the potential to become an important institution for professional training, media research, innovation, capacity building, and countering disinformation. Such initiatives demonstrate that the Shusha Forum is producing practical outcomes rather than simply facilitating discussions.

Azerbaijan's global media contribution

- Finally, how would you describe Azerbaijan's contribution to global media dialogue under President Ilham Aliyev's leadership?

- Azerbaijan has successfully positioned itself as a constructive contributor to international discussions on media responsibility, artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, and peacebuilding.

Under the leadership of President Ilham Aliyev, the country has transformed Shusha into far more than a reconstructed city—it has become an international symbol of resilience, dialogue, and cooperation. The Government of Azerbaijan deserves recognition for creating a platform where global challenges are discussed openly and responsibly.

The Shusha Global Media Forum reflects Azerbaijan's commitment to promoting responsible journalism, strengthening international partnerships, encouraging technological innovation, and rebuilding public trust in the digital age.

As artificial intelligence continues to reshape global communication, forums like Shusha will become increasingly important. Azerbaijan has demonstrated both the vision and the determination to contribute meaningfully to building a more transparent, secure, and trustworthy global information environment.

- Thank you very much for sharing your valuable insights.

- It has been my pleasure. I sincerely congratulate President Ilham Aliyev, the Government of Azerbaijan, and everyone involved in organizing the 4th Shusha Global Media Forum for successfully creating a world-class platform that encourages constructive dialogue, international cooperation, and responsible media practices. I am confident that the forum will continue to play an increasingly important role in shaping the future of global journalism and digital communication.

The President described the new Ministry of Justice building as a symbol of the state’s policy and principles of justice, law and national sovereignty, noting that investments in judicial institutions are an integral part of the state’s long-term policy for governance. His comments suggest that physical infrastructure is being supported by institutional reform of the justice sector to ensure it is more effective and credible.

Digital Transformation

A key theme of the President’s speech was the ongoing digitalization of public legal services. The Government of Tajikistan is speeding up the implementation of electronic government systems, databases for legal information, electronic notarial services, and modernization of civil registration procedures.

These activities should increase transparency, cut down on bureaucratic inefficiencies, and increase public access to government services and decrease opportunities for corruption. Digital governance is becoming a part of the administrative reform trend in Central Asia, and Tajikistan seems set to join the movement of its justice sector.

Strengthening Legal Institutions

President Rahmon said that, beyond administrative tasks, the Ministry of Justice has a responsibility. He called it one of the main pillars of the protection of constitutional rights, the protection of legality and the protection of social justice.

The speech also underscored the historical foundations of Tajik law, tracing back to the ancient statehood and legal heritage of Tajikistan, and connecting it with the current legal reforms. The President mentioned “Cyrus the Great” as a historical figure in the field of justice, and the work of UNESCO on the project of the Cyrus Cylinder proposed by Tajikistan, linking national identity to the current legal development.

Professionalism of the Justice System

Along the way, a key theme of the speech has been the need to enhance the professionalism of the justice system. The President made the following instructions to the officials of the Ministries: Need to improve the quality of legal and regulatory documentation; Strengthening staff training; Solving the problem of lack of specialists in international law and the regulation of public associations.

He also highlighted the need to enhance the level of Foreign Languages proficiency of lawyers as Tajikistan’s participation in international legal mechanisms and interaction with international institutions increases.

Awareness and Trust

Raising legal awareness among citizens was also the other major priority that was mentioned during the meeting. President Rahmon ordered greater public education on law through outreach activities and mobile seminars to clarify to citizens their rights and obligations in the field of law.

Enhancing people’s understanding of the law is deemed as critical to build public trust in state institutions and to foster law respect.

Reforming the Penal System

The President also ordered a comprehensive review of the country’s criminal enforcement system. Special focus was given to enhance self-government, staff selection, psychological health of staff and inmates, and the prevention of prohibited items entering correctional facilities and the strict enforcement of the law.

Also, officials were ordered to ensure that Tajikistan’s recently adopted Amnesty Law, which was signed to mark the country’s 35th Independence Day, would be implemented equitably. President Rahmon reiterated that the implementation of the law must not be affected by corruption, highlighting the government’s commitment to transparency and accountability.

Broader Governance Objectives

The speech shows that the legal reform in Tajikistan is not limited to the judicial administration. They are part of a national approach to institutional modernization, digital governance, administrative efficiency and sustainable state-building.

The government plans to establish a more responsive and modern legal system, through investments in infrastructure, digital public services, legal education, professional development, and anti-corruption, to serve economic development, offer attractive investment opportunities, and bolster trust in the state’s institutions.

While Tajikistan ramps up the implementation of its long-term development program, the justice sector is becoming one of the main pillars in support of the Tajik state’s vision of a modern, rule-of-law, and ICT-driven nation. As Tajikistan accelerates implementation of the long-term development plan, the justice sector is increasingly becoming one of the key pillars for the implementation of the Tajik state’s vision of a modern, rule-of-law, and digitally connected nation.

Details

Tokayev noted that the current conflict remains difficult to understand and differs from other regional confrontations. He said that while the causes of the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia were clear and deeply rooted in history, the situation surrounding Russia and Ukraine appears fundamentally different.

“The nature of this conflict is not entirely clear to many people, including ourselves. For example, there was a conflict, including a frozen conflict, between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The essence and origins of that conflict were completely clear to us—they went deep into history. But here, it is very difficult to understand,” he said.

Tokayev also suggested that the time may have come to consider freezing the conflict and returning to what he called the “Istanbul Formula 2.0.” According to him, the previous round of negotiations had produced substantial progress.

In response, Vladimir Putin said that he would brief Tokayev on the current state of affairs regarding this issue.

Meeting in Omsk

On 25 July, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev arrived in Omsk to participate in the 22nd Kazakhstan–Russia Interregional Cooperation Forum.

As part of the visit, the presidents of Kazakhstan and Russia are holding bilateral talks to discuss bilateral cooperation as well as current international issues.

Earlier, Peskov Did Not Rule Out Discussing the CPC

On the eve of the meeting, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said that one of the topics of the Tokayev–Putin talks could be attacks on the infrastructure of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC).

According to Peskov, strikes on the CPC affect not only Russia’s interests but also those of Kazakhstan and the United States, as American companies are among the consortium’s shareholders.

Deputy Prime Minister Hojamyrat Geldimyradov announced these results during an expanded government meeting. The various sectors showed varying performance: industry grew by 2.7%, construction by 6.7%, transport and communications by 10.4%, trade by 8.5%, agriculture by 2%, and services by 8.4%. Overall production volume for the period exceeded the same period last year by 10.4%.

This performance indicates that some non-oil sectors are beginning to gain notable momentum. Retail trade increased by 10.1%, foreign trade by 7.5%, and capital investments rose by 4.3% to reach 18.6 billion manats, in line with the 2026 Socio-Economic Development Program. During this period, 309 thousand square meters of housing and facilities were commissioned across various regions.

However, the backbone of this economic performance remains the oil and gas sector. The state company Türkmennebit exceeded its oil production plan by 108.3%, with gasoline production surpassing targets by 16%, diesel by 11.4%, and liquefied gas by 18.5%. Natural gas production reached 107.6% of the plan. President Serdar Berdimuhamedov has emphasized that diversifying natural gas exports to global markets remains a strategic priority, with focus on developing the Galkynysh field and modernizing infrastructure.

Despite this stability, structural challenges are evident. Heavy reliance on the energy sector, even with diversification efforts, makes the economy vulnerable to fluctuations in global gas prices. Growth in non-oil sectors, particularly agriculture at only 2%, remains modest. This raises the fundamental question: How can Turkmenistan transform its stable growth into more comprehensive and diversified development?

In my view, the 6.3% growth is a significant achievement given the complex geopolitical conditions. However, sustaining this momentum will depend on the success of diversification efforts. Turkmenistan possesses vast gas reserves, but true economic resilience requires greater investment in processing industries, modern agriculture, and tourism, alongside strengthening the private sector and attracting foreign investment in non-energy fields.

I expect Turkmenistan’s economic growth to continue between 6% and 6.5% during 2026–2027, supported by rising global energy prices and the completion of projects such as the Serhetabat–Herat gas pipeline within the TAPI project. Nevertheless, if the pace of diversification does not accelerate, the economy may face difficulties in absorbing future external shocks.

In conclusion, Turkmenistan today enjoys tangible economic stability and a strong foundation of natural resources. But the real challenge is not merely maintaining current growth rates, but building a more diversified, resilient economy capable of creating sustainable jobs for future generations. The opportunity is greater today than ever before, especially with the shift toward international partnerships and investment in non-oil sectors. The key question facing decision-makers in Ashgabat is whether this stability will evolve into a comprehensive developmental leap, or whether the economy will remain dependent on a single resource. The coming years will be decisive in shaping Turkmenistan’s economic future.

From Russian Pipelines to Global Markets

The headline number is striking: Russia's share of EU gas consumption has fallen from 45% in 2021 to just 12% today, a drop from 152 billion cubic metres of imports to only 36 bcm. Brussels has since built a formal exit ramp: the Commission's roadmap to end EU dependency on Russian energy was followed by Council and Parliament agreement on a stepwise phase-out law, finalized in January 2026. Yet a handful of member states are still quietly buying Russian gas, and the 2027 full-ban deadline looks harder to hit than officials admit — as an emergency meeting in February 2026 over a Hungary-Slovakia-Ukraine transit standoff made clear.

What replaced Russian pipeline gas is not a diversified basket so much as a new single point of dependence: the United States has become Europe's largest single source of LNG, prompting analysts to ask whether Europe solved its dependency problem or simply relocated it.

The Middle East Shock and the Return of Emergency Coordination

Just as the Russian gas question seemed to stabilize, a new front opened. Since spring 2026, EU energy ministers and the Commission have been meeting repeatedly through the Energy Union Task Force and the Oil Coordination Group to monitor disruptions linked to the Middle East conflict, including contingency planning for a prolonged closure of the Strait of Hormuz. The response has been the kind of coordinated stockpile action Europe hasn't needed since the 1970s oil shocks: IEA members released more than 400 million barrels from emergency oil stocks in March 2026, the largest coordinated release on record, with EU countries contributing roughly 20%.

By July, the picture had calmed but not resolved. The Energy Union Task Force concluded on 10 July 2026 that there is no immediate supply concern for the coming winter, with gas storage filling targets still on track, while jet fuel supply remained stable despite the regional tensions. The cost of that stability has been steep: the Commission's own figures show an additional €50 billion in fossil fuel spending since March 2026 alone, driving the April 2026 launch of the AccelerateEU energy package to shield consumers from price spikes.

Policy Response: Diversification, Storage, and a Cyber-Hardened Grid

Brussels' answer has been to widen the definition of energy security itself. The Commission's 2026 work programme, branded "Europe's Independence Moment," bundles an Electrification Strategy, a Heating and Cooling initiative, and a dedicated Energy Security Package, alongside longer-term Energy Union targets beyond 2030. In parallel, the EU's legislative pipeline includes a full revision of the security-of-supply framework for gas and electricity, explicitly designed to address physical and cyber threats to energy infrastructure alongside climate-related risks, following a public call for evidence closed in October 2025.

There are signs the strategy is bearing fruit on the demand side: EU energy imports fell 11.1% in 2025 compared with 2024, with the import bill dropping to €336.7 billion — down more than half from the €693.4 billion peak in 2022. Even so, the Commission notes that 57% of the energy consumed in the EU is still imported fossil fuel, a reminder that diversification has changed the sourcing of vulnerability more than it has eliminated it.

A brief theoretical note

Academic energy-security scholarship offers a useful lens for reading these developments. For two decades, the field's default framework has been the so-called "four As" — availability, accessibility, affordability, and acceptability — first formalized in a 2007 APERC report and echoed in the IEA's own definition of energy security as "uninterrupted availability of energy sources at an affordable price." Europe's post-2022 record maps onto this framework fairly well: availability was defended through storage and LNG diversification, affordability through emergency subsidy packages, and acceptability through the political consensus around phasing out Russian supply.

But a widely cited critique argues the four-As model is incomplete. Cherp and Jewell contend that energy security is fundamentally an instance of security in general, and that any serious concept must answer three questions — security for whom, for which values, and from what threats — which the four-As framework never explicitly poses. They propose reframing energy security as the "low vulnerability of vital energy systems," a definition that treats vulnerability as a product of both exposure to risk and the resilience of the system to absorb shocks. Read through that lens, Europe's 2026 predicament looks less like a solved problem and more like a shift in the referent object of insecurity — from Russian pipelines to Gulf shipping lanes, LNG terminals, and the cyber-physical infrastructure now targeted by the EU's forthcoming security-of-supply revision.

Conclusion

Europe's energy security in 2026 is best described as resilience without closure. Formal Russian dependency has collapsed, emergency coordination mechanisms have proven they can function under real stress, and the policy architecture — from AccelerateEU to the pending Energy Security Package — is more comprehensive than at any point since the 1970s. But the underlying exposure has not disappeared; it has migrated to new suppliers, new chokepoints, and new categories of threat, including cyberattacks on grid infrastructure. Whether the EU can hit its 2027 deadline for a full Russian energy ban, and whether its new dependencies prove more durable than the old ones, will be the real test of whether "independence" turns out to be a policy achievement or a rebranding exercise.

The foundational shift that economic leaders must internalize is the redefinition of the corporate ecosystem itself. Traditional business models treat the natural world as an infinite supplier of inputs and an infinite sink for waste. This linear approach is colliding with the physical limits of the planet, manifesting in supply chain shocks, commodity price spikes, and physical asset destruction from extreme weather events. For the modern enterprise, the natural environment must be recognized as the primary stakeholder upon which all others depend. Supply chains are not abstract logistical networks; they are biological food webs that hinge on soil fertility, water availability, and pollinator health. When a drought cripples a major agricultural region or rising sea levels threaten coastal industrial zones, the impact is not an externality; it is a direct hit to revenue and capital. Consequently, sophisticated institutional investors are no longer viewing environmental risk through an ethical lens but through a fiduciary one. The integration of physical climate risk into asset pricing and credit ratings has become a non-negotiable component of financial due diligence, compelling businesses to treat ecological resilience as a core pillar of their risk management frameworks.

To achieve genuine growth in this volatile context, corporations must aggressively decouple their revenue trajectories from physical extraction. The era of chasing volume through increased resource throughput is over, supplanted by an era of value creation through efficiency and service-oriented models. This is where the transition to a circular economic framework becomes a distinct competitive advantage. The conventional "take-make-waste" model is structurally vulnerable to input cost inflation and regulatory penalties; conversely, a circular model that designs out waste, keeps materials in use, and regenerates natural systems creates a defensive moat against market volatility. The ascendance of Product-as-a-Service models fundamentally realigns incentives. When a manufacturer sells the output of a product rather than the product itself, the financial imperative shifts from maximizing unit sales to maximizing durability, repairability, and energy efficiency. This lowers the cost basis over the long term while simultaneously reducing the demand for virgin raw materials, insulating the enterprise from the escalating volatility of commodity markets.

The regulatory landscape is rapidly codifying this transition, transforming voluntary corporate social responsibility into mandatory financial compliance. The implementation of the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive in Europe, alongside emissions trading systems and border carbon adjustment mechanisms globally, has effectively priced ecological degradation. For the discerning executive, however, this regulatory evolution represents less of a compliance burden and more of a strategic opportunity for market differentiation. Companies that proactively invest in decarbonization and resource efficiency are not merely avoiding penalties; they are positioning themselves for preferential access to capital, lower borrowing costs, and enhanced brand equity. Investors increasingly allocate capital to entities that demonstrate robust environmental governance because these entities exhibit superior operational resilience. Therefore, the reporting of environmental profit and loss is becoming as routine and scrutinized as traditional financial statements, and organizations that master this discipline first will command a premium in the eyes of institutional capital.

Beyond risk mitigation, the imperative for ecological investment is fundamentally a growth catalyst driven by technological innovation. The current era is witnessing the confluence of artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and advanced materials science, unlocking solutions previously economically unviable. Artificial intelligence applied to ecological intelligence offers predictive capabilities that revolutionize supply chain management. Machine learning algorithms can now forecast crop yields, water scarcity, and weather disruptions with sufficient lead time to allow for dynamic sourcing adjustments, preserving profit margins in the face of climatic shocks. Simultaneously, the emergence of bio-manufacturing, wherein microorganisms are engineered to produce novel materials and chemicals, offers a pathway out of fossil fuel dependency while promising superior performance and lower cost curves as scale increases. Companies that treat these green technologies as core R&D priorities are not engaging in virtue signaling; they are building the intellectual property portfolio that will define the industrial landscape of the next quarter-century.

The financial case for regenerative practices, particularly in sectors tied to agricultural raw materials, is becoming increasingly irrefutable. Moving beyond the net zero framework, which merely seeks to halt further damage, the concept of net positive or regenerative business is gaining traction among forward-thinking portfolio managers. By investing in regenerative agriculture, corporations secure supply chains against topsoil degradation while generating additional revenue streams through carbon sequestration credits and biodiversity offsets. This creates a virtuous cycle where environmental restoration becomes a profit center. Furthermore, healthy ecosystems provide critical natural infrastructure services such as flood protection, water filtration, and pollination that would otherwise require immense capital expenditure to replicate artificially. The economic valuation of these ecosystem services is now sophisticated enough to be incorporated into investment appraisals, ensuring capital is deployed toward projects that generate the highest total return across both financial and natural capital accounts.

Organizational culture further reinforces this strategic pivot. The workforce of the current era, increasingly composed of professionals who prioritize purpose alongside paycheck, demands that employers demonstrate tangible environmental commitments. Companies that fail to integrate ecological principles face a growing talent deficit, unable to attract the high-caliber innovators necessary for growth. Conversely, enterprises that embed environmental performance into employee incentives, performance reviews, and executive compensation create a cultural architecture where sustainability is the operational standard. Establishing internal carbon pricing, where business units are charged for energy consumption and rewarded for efficiency gains, democratizes environmental responsibility across the organization. This gamification of sustainability turns every department into a laboratory for cost-saving innovation, driving organic growth from within while cultivating a workforce deeply engaged in the company's long-term viability.

Finally, the corporate sector cannot achieve these ambitions in isolation. The scale of the ecological crisis demands collaboration that transcends traditional competitive rivalry. Industry-wide coalitions where competitors share infrastructure, logistics networks, and research to reduce collective emissions are proving most impactful. Shared electric fleets, collaborative investments in renewable energy parks, and joint funding for ecosystem restoration projects lower cost barriers for all participants while amplifying positive environmental impact. The enterprises that understand this dynamic recognize that their survival is contingent upon the health of the broader economic and biological systems. In conclusion, the financial calculus of the twenty-first century is unequivocal. The economy is not distinct from the natural world; it is a subsidiary of the biosphere. Growth that degrades environmental foundations is not growth at all but liquidation of future assets. By decoupling revenue from extraction, leveraging technological innovation, adapting to regulatory evolution, and fostering collaboration, enterprises can achieve robust growth while replenishing the natural capital upon which all commerce depends. The bottom line and the biosphere are converging, and in that convergence lies the only sustainable path to long-term prosperity.

Particularly noteworthy is the fact that the recent agreements and high-level meetings among the Presidents of the Central Asian states have provided a strong impetus to the development of educational transfer, scientific cooperation, joint innovation projects, and the modernization of systems for training highly qualified specialists.

It should be emphasized that geopolitical stability, economic prosperity, and sustainable development in Central Asia are directly dependent upon the quality of good-neighborly relations among the countries of the region. Since 2016, the incorporation of the principle of "Good Neighbourliness as a Foreign Policy Priority" into the foreign policy doctrine of the Republic of Uzbekistan has elevated cooperation with neighboring brotherly states to an entirely new strategic level.

For centuries, the peoples of Central Asia have been united by a common history, shared cultural heritage, religious traditions, and spiritual values. Today, in the era of globalization and the digital economy, these nations are advancing regional integration to a qualitatively new stage. The principal driving force behind this transformation is intellectual capital, embodied primarily in cooperation in the fields of higher education, science, and innovation.

Prior to 2016, relations among neighboring countries experienced a period of relative stagnation, with numerous long-standing issues remaining unresolved. However, thanks to the far-sighted foreign policy, effective diplomacy, and strategic leadership of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, historical barriers were overcome, opening a new chapter in regional cooperation. This breakthrough created a stable foundation for the significant expansion of educational, scientific, and cultural exchanges throughout Central Asia.

A compelling example of this transformation can be found in the rapidly developing partnership between Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic. The declarations on strategic partnership, friendship, and good-neighborly relations, together with numerous intergovernmental agreements signed during official visits of the two countries' leaders, have established a comprehensive legal framework comprising more than 200 bilateral legal and regulatory instruments.

Whereas bilateral trade amounted to only USD 150–200 million in 2016, by 2025–2026 it had exceeded USD 1 billion, reflecting the remarkable intensification of economic cooperation. The establishment of the Uzbekistan–Kyrgyzstan Development Fund has enabled the financing of dozens of industrial, logistics, and agricultural projects. Assembly plants producing automobiles under Uzbek brands have been launched in Kyrgyzstan, while joint ventures in textile manufacturing and the production of construction materials have also been established.

Furthermore, the commencement of the active construction phase of the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan Railway is expected to fundamentally reshape the transport and logistics architecture of the entire Central Asian region, creating new opportunities for regional connectivity and economic integration.

During the same period, cooperation between the Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Innovation of the Republic of Uzbekistan and the Ministry of Education and Science of the Kyrgyz Republic underwent profound transformation. Since 2016, universities of the two countries have significantly expanded direct institutional cooperation, resulting in numerous bilateral academic initiatives.

Among the most significant achievements has been the establishment of the Forum of Rectors of Higher Education Institutions of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, which has evolved into one of the principal platforms for strengthening academic cooperation, promoting joint research, and expanding university partnerships between the two countries.

Over the past several years, Uzbekistan’s higher education system has evolved into one of the principal drivers of regional integration and is increasingly emerging as a leading educational and scientific hub of Central Asia.

Today, 3,020 students from the countries of Central Asia are enrolled in higher education institutions across Uzbekistan, reflecting the growing confidence of neighboring nations in the quality and international competitiveness of Uzbek higher education. This student community includes 1,554 citizens of Turkmenistan, 646 from Kazakhstan, 436 from Tajikistan, and 384 from Kyrgyzstan. Beyond acquiring professional knowledge and competencies, these students contribute to the formation of a common educational space through the exchange of academic, cultural, and intellectual experiences.

In order to provide practical support for regional integration, the Government of the Republic of Uzbekistan has introduced a system of state-funded scholarships for citizens of Central Asian countries. Under this initiative, 20 fully funded scholarships are allocated annually to each neighboring state, enabling talented young people to pursue higher education in Uzbekistan.

This initiative has become one of the most effective instruments of educational diplomacy, strengthening mutual trust, expanding people-to-people contacts, and fostering long-term humanitarian cooperation throughout the region.

A notable example of deepening academic integration is the establishment of the branch campus of Mukhtar Auezov South Kazakhstan University in the city of Chirchiq. During the initial stage of its operation alone, the branch enrolled 350 students, demonstrating the growing demand for cross-border educational opportunities.

As a reciprocal step toward strengthening bilateral cooperation, the National Research University “Tashkent Institute of Irrigation and Agricultural Mechanization Engineers” established its branch at the Kazakh National Agrarian Research University in Almaty. The branch currently educates 16 students in the fields of transboundary water resources management and agricultural innovation, drawing upon Uzbekistan's scientific schools, educational methodologies, and technological expertise.

Language and cultural cooperation has also become an important dimension of regional integration. Centers of Uzbek language and culture have been restored and expanded at higher education institutions in Osh and Jalal-Abad, while departments of Kyrgyz language and literature have resumed and broadened their activities at universities in Tashkent and Andijan.

These initiatives not only promote linguistic and cultural exchange but also contribute to strengthening mutual understanding, preserving shared historical heritage, and educating younger generations in the spirit of friendship, tolerance, and good-neighborly relations.

The expansion of academic cooperation has demonstrated that universities today perform a role far beyond their traditional educational mission. They increasingly serve as platforms for scientific diplomacy, intercultural dialogue, and regional cooperation, making a substantial contribution to sustainable development and long-term stability across Central Asia.

The powerful momentum of educational integration that has emerged across Central Asia has gradually expanded beyond the region, reaching the South Caucasus and, in particular, the Republic of Azerbaijan. Contemporary Uzbek–Azerbaijani cooperation in higher education, science, and culture stands as a vivid example of the growing strategic partnership between the two fraternal nations.

At present, 44 new bilateral agreements and memoranda of cooperation between higher education institutions of Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan have been prepared for implementation, laying a solid foundation for the further expansion of academic and scientific collaboration.

Currently, 51 Azerbaijani students are pursuing higher education in Uzbekistan, while 31 Uzbek students are enrolled at leading universities in Baku and Ganja. Although these figures may appear modest, they reflect the emergence of sustainable mechanisms for academic exchange and increasing educational mobility between the two countries.

Academic mobility has become one of the defining features of bilateral cooperation. In 2024, five students from Tashkent State Pedagogical University completed a period of study at Azerbaijan State Pedagogical University and Baku Slavic University, gaining valuable exposure to Azerbaijan's educational system, teaching methodologies, and academic environment.

During the same year, 15 students representing Termez State University, universities in Tashkent, and higher education institutions specializing in arts and culture participated in scientific conferences and international academic forums held in Azerbaijan, thereby strengthening scholarly communication and expanding professional networks between young researchers.

Reciprocal academic exchanges have also intensified. Eleven Azerbaijani professors and scholars visited Uzbekistan, delivering lectures in philology, psychology, and management for students and academic staff of Uzbek universities. These visits have significantly contributed to strengthening scientific dialogue and promoting the exchange of academic expertise.

A particularly promising area of cooperation is the joint initiative between the Tashkent Institute of Chemical Technology and the Baku Higher Oil School to develop innovative joint degree programmes in Petroleum Engineering and Chemical Engineering. The project is expected to combine the scientific and technological capacities of both countries while preparing highly qualified professionals capable of meeting the demands of modern industry and the global energy sector.

Cooperation between the Alisher Navoi Tashkent State University of Uzbek Language and Literature and the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan has likewise continued to develop dynamically. Their partnership encompasses joint research projects, scholarly publications, academic conferences, and collaborative initiatives in the humanities, linguistics, and literary studies.

Humanitarian cooperation has also acquired a strong institutional dimension. Since 2019, the Muhammad Fuzuli Azerbaijani Center for Culture, Education and Research in Tashkent has become an important intellectual platform for students, researchers, and academics interested in Azerbaijani language, literature, history, and culture.

Similarly, the Alisher Navoi Research Center, established within the Nizami Ganjavi Institute of Literature of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, has become a significant venue for collaborative research on Turkic literature, comparative philology, and shared cultural heritage.

Regular literary evenings dedicated to the works of Alisher Navoi and Muhammad Fuzuli have further strengthened cultural dialogue, inspiring young people in both countries to explore the rich literary traditions of the Turkic world and reinforcing a shared sense of historical and cultural identity.

These initiatives demonstrate that educational cooperation between Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan has evolved beyond conventional academic exchange. It has become a strategic instrument of cultural diplomacy, scientific partnership, and intellectual integration, contributing to the long-term development of both countries and to broader regional cooperation.

Another significant dimension of Uzbek–Azerbaijani cooperation has been the establishment of specialized academic and cultural centers dedicated to the preservation and promotion of the shared intellectual heritage of the Turkic world.

The Kara Karayev Center, established at the Uzbekistan State Institute of Arts and Culture, introduces students to the rich musical legacy of the distinguished Azerbaijani composer while fostering professional cooperation in the field of performing arts.

Likewise, the Khurshidbanu Natavan Center, opened at Termez State University, has become a symbol of Uzbekistan's profound respect for Azerbaijani cultural heritage and a tangible manifestation of the growing humanitarian partnership between the two countries.

A landmark event took place on 13 September 2024, when a new Center for Uzbek Language and Culture was officially inaugurated in the city of Ganja. The center is expected to play an important role in promoting the Uzbek language, literature, history, and national traditions among Azerbaijani students and scholars while strengthening people-to-people ties between the two nations.

Collectively, these educational, scientific, and cultural initiatives have gradually evolved into one of the fundamental pillars of cooperation within the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), contributing to the formation of a common intellectual and educational space across the Turkic world.

Regular dialogue among the ministries responsible for education and science within the Organization of Turkic States has further accelerated this process. In particular, the visits of Emin Amrullayev, Minister of Science and Education of the Republic of Azerbaijan, to Tashkent, together with discussions involving Nagif Hamzayev, Member of the Milli Majlis of Azerbaijan, have elevated to the policy agenda the establishment of a comprehensive system for teaching the Uzbek language to international learners, modeled on Türkiye's internationally recognized TÖMER framework.

The implementation of such an initiative would substantially expand opportunities for foreign students to study the Uzbek language while simultaneously strengthening Uzbekistan's educational diplomacy and enhancing the country's cultural influence throughout the broader Turkic region. Beyond language instruction, the project could become an effective mechanism for promoting Uzbekistan's higher education system, national heritage, and academic potential on the international stage.

More importantly, the Turkic states are today becoming increasingly integrated not only in political and economic terms but also as a unified scientific and intellectual community. Shared historical memory, common cultural values, and mutual aspirations for innovation are gradually giving rise to a common educational ecosystem capable of generating new knowledge, technologies, and human capital.

Only a few years ago, the concept of a "common intellectual home" existed primarily as a strategic vision. Today, however, this vision is becoming a tangible reality within university classrooms, research laboratories, joint scientific projects, and international academic exchanges. Students, researchers, and faculty members have emerged as the principal architects of this transformation, strengthening academic cooperation through everyday collaboration and knowledge sharing.

The students who are currently studying in neighboring countries within an atmosphere of mutual trust, friendship, and respect will become tomorrow's scientists, engineers, policymakers, entrepreneurs, and innovators. They will jointly address such strategic challenges as regional economic security, transboundary water governance, environmental sustainability, food security, technological modernization, and scientific advancement.

From this perspective, educational integration in Central Asia should not be regarded merely as another dimension of humanitarian cooperation. Rather, it represents a long-term strategic investment in the formation of a single competitive intellectual space, capable of enhancing regional resilience, promoting sustainable development, and increasing the global competitiveness of Central Asia in the twenty-first century.

Ultimately, the future of regional integration will depend not only on infrastructure projects, trade agreements, or political dialogue, but also on the ability of the countries of Central Asia and the broader Turkic world to cultivate a new generation of highly educated, globally competitive professionals united by common values, shared responsibility, and a collective vision for regional prosperity. In this regard, cooperation in higher education, science, and innovation should be viewed as one of the most effective strategic instruments for ensuring lasting peace, stability, and sustainable development across the region.

Fazliddin MUMINOV,

Head of Department

Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Innovation

of the Republic of Uzbekistan

Your Excellency, Kazakhstan is increasingly attracting international visitors thanks to its rich cultural heritage and breathtaking landscapes. In your view, what makes Kazakhstan a truly unique destination? Why would you encourage travelers from around the world to visit Kazakhstan, and what experiences can they find there that they might not discover elsewhere?

Ambassador Akan Rakhmetullin: There are really many different reasons to visit Kazakhstan because Kazakhstan is part of the larger region of Central Asia and is the biggest Central Asian country. It has a very unique historical background and a very interesting historical development.

We share many common values and historical backgrounds with other Central Asian countries. Responding to your question, every ambassador would say that his or her country is the most important and the most unique to visit. It is really, really difficult to compete with many other destinations because many countries are equally important, interesting, and unique to visit.

But what I may say about my country is that the first and biggest reason is our history. It is a unique history.

We were nomads. We traveled from place to place, and we managed to preserve this huge territory that we have today. This vast territory also means that we are a very diverse nation.

We have a very diverse population and a very diverse geographic landscape, ranging from deserts to mountains, from lakes to seas, and from forests to plains.

The second reason is our nature. Again, because of our country’s vast territory and diverse geography, we have very unique natural zones.

There are forests, mountains, and even landscapes that are used as filming locations for movies about extraterrestrial worlds—places that seem almost otherworldly. Tourists come there to enjoy nature and appreciate its extraordinary diversity.

For example, visitors can travel from Eastern Kazakhstan, with its forests, mountains, and crystal-clear rivers, all the way across the country to Western Kazakhstan, where they encounter deserts, canyons, and the Caspian Sea. It is a fascinating combination of landscapes that often look almost extraterrestrial.

If you travel to the north, you will mainly see vast plains. You can drive for hours, even days, or travel by train across the country while looking out over endless stretches of great plains. In the south, nature is equally diverse. So, nature is certainly one of Kazakhstan’s greatest attractions.

The second important aspect is history. As I mentioned earlier, we were nomads, and that shaped the way our nation developed. Historically, we were part of the great Golden Horde.

Derya Soysal: You organized the major Golden Horde Conference this year.

Ambassador Akan Rakhmetullin: Yes. This conference was devoted to identifying and better understanding our historical background. For many reasons, whether political or ideological, history has sometimes not been presented in a fully objective and accurate way.

This conference, together with the work of our historians, scientists, and academics, is about understanding our past so that we can better understand our future—where we come from, where we are today, and where we should go.

Kazakhstan has always been a crossroads of civilizations and trade routes. People traveled across the Eurasian continent—from China to Europe, and from South Asia to Russia in the north—and Kazakhstan served as a natural crossroads.

This is another unique and fascinating feature of my country: our rich history as a nomadic civilization and as a meeting point for peoples, cultures, and civilizations moving across the continent.

This history is even reflected in the way we look. You have visited Kazakhstan many times, as well as other Central Asian countries, and you can easily recognize when someone comes from Central Asia rather than South Asia or another region.

This is because of the fusion of numerous peoples and tribes that migrated centuries ago, settled there, mixed with the local population, and contributed to our genetic heritage, our appearance, and our identity.

This is part of Kazakhstan’s uniqueness.

The third interesting feature of Kazakhstan is the fusion of its natural environment—its landscapes and geographic diversity—with its modern development.

Kazakhstan, Almaty Region, Photo credit: Derya SOYSAL

We have rapidly growing cities, developed industries, and endless plains where enormous quantities of wheat are grown. Once again, it is this remarkable fusion.

You can spend time in natural resorts, enjoying mountains, deserts, canyons, or forests, and then arrive in a modern city with skyscrapers, museums, theatres, opera houses, ballet performances, and many other cultural attractions. Kazakhstan is a modern and developed state.

The only challenge is that Kazakhstan is so large that one week is simply not enough. I would recommend that tourists spend at least two weeks in Kazakhstan—10 to 15 days—so that they can travel across the country and enjoy its unique geographic diversity, its cities, its countryside, and its national parks. So, do enjoy it.

Unfortunately, there is currently no direct flight. Most travelers fly from Amsterdam via Frankfurt or Istanbul before continuing to Kazakhstan. We are working together with the Dutch government and the Dutch authorities to restore direct flights. I believe this is partly connected to broader transport policies.

If passenger numbers continue to increase, I am confident that direct flights will eventually return because interest in Kazakhstan among Europeans is growing significantly.

Many people do not realize that part of Kazakhstan is geographically located in Europe.

Derya Soysal: In fact, Kazakhstan’s European territory is larger than several European countries, including Hungary, Portugal, Austria, and Greece. Kazakhstan is also a member of UEFA, and the national football team played against Belgium last year.

Ambassador Akan Rakhmetullin: Sport is another interesting feature of Kazakhstan. We offer many different opportunities for sports. We play football and ice hockey. Although we are not among the world’s leading ice hockey nations, we are perhaps among the top ten. We have mountains, skating facilities, and excellent conditions for winter sports.

We also have strong traditions in martial arts such as boxing, karate, taekwondo, as well as powerlifting, gymnastics, and many other disciplines.

Kazakhstan is a modern country built upon a rich historical foundation, with ambitious goals and a clear vision for the future.

Finally, speaking to my Dutch friends, I would like to say that I am very pleased to have this interview because many people in Europe have heard of Kazakhstan but know very little about it. They often have stereotypes.

When I meet students here, I always ask them: “What do you know about Kazakhstan? What stereotypes do you have?” Some immediately mention Borat. Others mention different things, or simply think of countries ending in “-stan.”

Derya Soysal: They confuse Kazakhstan with Afghanistan or Pakistan. That’s why it can be confusing. Perhaps we should also say Kazak Eli.

Ambassador Akan Rakhmetullin: Yes. Again, when people come to Kazakhstan, they immediately realize how different the country is from what they expected.

Some of my friends who visited Kazakhstan—even well-educated people—asked me what gifts they should bring to thank the families who would host them or provide them with food.

I asked them, “Why would you need to bring anything?” Kazakhstan has modern roads, transportation, hotels, and a full hospitality industry. Everything visitors need is available.

What we need now is more tourists and more information so that people can truly discover my country.

Derya Soysal: I also think we should mention that, thanks to Kazakh music and its growing international audience, many people have discovered Kazakhstan through singers who have become very famous.

Ambassador Akan Rakhmetullin: Yes. You may have heard of Dimash, for example. He is extremely popular not only in Kazakhstan, but also in China.

In the 21st century, I think Dimash is one of the most important singers in the world. He is a very interesting phenomenon. Just as Korea has K-pop, Kazakhstan also has an artist who has attracted worldwide attention.

Derya Soysal: Mr. Ambassador, Kazakhstan has recently undertaken important constitutional reforms, and I had the opportunity to be in the country during the referendum held on March 15. Could you share with us the main changes introduced by the new Constitution and explain how these reforms will shape Kazakhstan’s future?

In particular, the reforms include new institutional developments, such as the strengthening of representative mechanisms and the revival of the Qurultay, a concept deeply rooted in the history and traditions of the Turkic peoples. Could you elaborate on the significance of the Qurultay and explain how these constitutional changes will contribute to greater transparency, public participation, and more effective governance in Kazakhstan?

Ambassador Akan Rakhmetullin: Yes, it is a very important question because it concerns our future.

You are absolutely right. On March 15, there was a national referendum, and the people expressed their will to amend the Constitution and adopt a new constitutional framework. As of July 1, the new Constitution entered into force.

Accordingly, the previous Parliament has completed its mandate, and new parliamentary elections will be held on August 23. We are currently preparing for those elections.

This reform is extremely important for the further development of our statehood, our democratic institutions, and the protection of human rights, fundamental freedoms, the rule of law, freedom of expression, freedom of movement, and other fundamental rights.

The constitutional reform was designed to accelerate these processes.

With all due respect to the previous Parliament, which ceased its activities only a few weeks ago, the reform is intended to modernize our political system, reduce bureaucracy, and make political decision-making more effective.

Kazakhstan is increasingly embracing the concept of a “Listening State”—a state that listens to its citizens and places people at the center of public policy and national development.

We are working to strengthen individual rights and freedoms while also ensuring strong social protection. We place great emphasis on social inclusion, support for persons with disabilities, improving gender balance, and implementing many other democratic and political reforms.

The idea is that the new unicameral parliamentary system will be more flexible, dynamic, and capable of responding more efficiently to the country’s evolving needs.

Previously, the Senate represented Kazakhstan’s regions and defended their interests. Kazakhstan remains a unitary state with a professional Parliament based on the separation of powers: the executive, the legislative, and the judiciary. Each of these branches is currently undergoing its own reforms.

As a result, Parliament will become more dynamic, more professional, and more results-oriented, further strengthening democratic legislative work.

Another important constitutional innovation is the introduction of the office of Vice President. Its purpose is to ensure institutional continuity within the executive branch.

The Vice President will provide strong support to the President in carrying out his or her duties, particularly by representing Kazakhstan at important international events, conferences, and multilateral organizations such as the United Nations.

The office also guarantees continuity of state authority. If the President is temporarily unable to perform his or her duties, authority will pass to the Vice President before continuing according to the constitutional order.

The Constitution also clarifies a number of other issues, including dual citizenship. The constitutional provisions clearly reaffirm Kazakhstan’s position regarding citizenship and establish the relevant legal framework.

There are many additional amendments, all aimed at improving our constitutional system. Our previous Constitution was adopted in 1995 and served the country well for nearly thirty years. Today, however, Kazakhstan has reached a new stage of development and requires more modern instruments to achieve its strategic objectives in state-building and nation-building.

Derya Soysal: Mr. Ambassador, the Netherlands is one of Kazakhstan’s most important economic partners. Why should Dutch investors choose Kazakhstan, and what opportunities does your country offer for businesses looking to invest and grow in Kazakhstan?

Ambassador Akan Rakhmetullin: That is a very important question.

It is quite remarkable that the Netherlands are Kazakhstan’s largest foreign investors.

I often meet with my Dutch colleagues from the business community, entrepreneurs, and representatives of different industries. I tell them that although the Netherlands is more than sixty times smaller than Kazakhstan in terms of territory, the populations of our countries are relatively similar: around 20.5 million in the Netherlands and approximately 20 million in Kazakhstan.

So why has the Netherlands become one of Kazakhstan’s leading investors?

It is because of the Dutch way of thinking, their entrepreneurial spirit, and their very effective approach to doing business internationally.

Our objective is to create the best possible investment environment for Dutch companies and encourage more businesses to establish themselves in Kazakhstan.

Trade, economic cooperation, and investment are at the heart of our partnership.

Many Dutch companies already export products to Kazakhstan, whether beer, industrial equipment, or technologies for the poultry and dairy industries.

However, we encourage them not only to export but also to establish production facilities directly in Kazakhstan. Instead of shipping spare parts or finished products, they can build factories, localize production, and manufacture locally. This strategy has already proven successful.

A good example is shipbuilding on the Caspian Sea, where companies can establish shipyards to build vessels for emergency services, the oil industry, passenger transport, and other multipurpose uses instead of importing every vessel from abroad.

Dutch entrepreneurs who invest in Kazakhstan receive comprehensive support from the moment they express interest until the day they begin operating.

They benefit from legal assistance, logistical support, preferential tax regimes, special economic zones, modern infrastructure, utilities, and many other government services designed to facilitate investment.

As a result, investors can feel secure, welcome, and confident that Kazakhstan is a reliable long-term partner.

I believe this creates a genuine win-win situation for both Dutch companies and the people of Kazakhstan.

Let us continue bringing Kazakhstan and Europe closer together and welcome more Dutch investment in education, science, medicine, and many other sectors.

Since the President of Kazakhstan visited Brussels, Kazakhstan has clearly demonstrated its desire to strengthen cooperation with the European Union and with all EU Member States, including the Netherlands.

I am confident that, in the future, we will see even stronger partnerships that will build lasting bridges between our countries.

Derya Soysal: Kazakhstan will definitely become the bridge between Asia and Europe.

After a clash reportedly between local Palestinians and Israeli settlers in West Bank, Benjamin Netanyahu ordered the IDF to "accelerate the legalization of existing farms and the establishment of new ones".

Netanyahu also ordered the Israeli Military to "firm measures against terrorism" which include leveling the home of the “terrorist” who allegedly undertook the attack which happened near the village of Tell, and carrying out missions in other villages that in his opinion “serve as centers of terrorism".

While the precise information for the preceding event is not available at the moment, it is reported that what likely happened is that when Israeli settlers from Havat Gilad entered the village of Tell located in the West Bank. Local Palestinian population likely opposed he settlers, leading to a clash. According to Palestinian health ministry, 4 Palestinians were killed and the same number injured, while Israel's Magen David Adom emergency service reported 1 Israeli killed.

Aside from human casualties, damage was done to the eastern part of Tell, according to Palestinian WAFA news agency. Reportedly, the settlers set fire to a local shop, several other buildings and land where the locals grow their crops. IDF maintains the position that Israelis were only hiking in the area while a Palestinian stole a weapon from a security officer and opened fire.

A footage of the incident appeared in the social media. In it a group of IDF soldiers can be seen approaching several Palestinians, seemingly disarming one of them. What follows is the sound of gunfire.

The West Bank remains under Israeli occupation since 1967. Since the start of war in Gaza in October 2023, territory experiences a surge in violence, with continuing attempts by Israel to conduct settlements, which are time and again condemned by the United Nations.

Despite US preparing new tariffs for EU as the established ones will be over soon, Brussels fined Google for €890 million for allegedly unfair treatment of app developers and promoting itself via its services during search.

On Thursday the European Commission announced that Google will receive a fine of €890 million. The decision is in line with EU’s Big Tech rulebook, which sets out what tech corporations that have a strong hold over critical digital markets can and cannot do.

The main offense in Commission’s view comes from Google’s search engine allegedly favoring its own services in most cases, which is not accidental. This means that when, for example, searching for a hotel, the search engine would suggest the user to look at Google Hotels service, rather than other similar search results, which come from competitors. The fine for this amounts to €460 million.

The remaining sum of the fine comes from accusations by app developers. According to them, Google does not tell its users how they can leave it’s ecosystem. It does not inform users of other options, such as alternative marketplaces or payment systems which can be used.

Aside from the fine, European Commission also asked the corporation for compliance, meaning that Google will have to stop discrimination against third party sources and allow developers more freedom for direct communication with users. The company has 60 days to comply, otherwise up to 5% of its worldwide turnover will have to be paid on a periodic basis.

This event might become a new highlight in tensions between EU and US. As the previously imposed tariffs will expire this week, Washington prepares a set of new ones, while negotiations with Brussels are underway.

US President Donald Trump has sharply escalated his rhetoric toward Iran, warning of retaliation against key infrastructure if attacks on shipping in the Strait of Hormuz by Tehran continue.

In a public statement, Trump said that any Iranian strike on vessels in the vital waterway would trigger a US response targeting infrastructure such as bridges or power plants. He added that such strikes could include locations in or near Tehran, marking a significant intensification of threats as the conflict deepens.

The warning comes as US military operations against Iran have entered their eleventh consecutive day, following the collapse of a preliminary ceasefire agreement. Fighting has increasingly centered around the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial global transit route for oil and gas shipments, raising concerns about wider economic consequences.

Trump linked his stance to recent Iranian actions targeting ships in the region and emphasized that the US would respond proportionally to each incident. His remarks were made shortly before attending a ceremony honoring American service members killed in attacks attributed to Iran.

The escalation comes amid growing domestic and international scrutiny. While the president has defended the military campaign despite rising costs and concerns over public opinion, critics warn that targeting civilian infrastructure could violate international law and further destabilize the region.

Overall, the situation signals a dangerous new phase in the confrontation, with both sides appearing entrenched and the risk of broader regional conflict continuing to rise.